HomeMy WebLinkAbout10-22-2012 Ad Hoc Diversity Committeer
�= Ir CITY OF IOWA CITY
MEMORANDUM
Date: October 19, 2012
To: Ad Hoc Diversity Committee Members
From: Marian K. Karr, City Clerk
Re: Committee Packet for meeting on October 22, 2012
The following documents are for your review and comment at the next Committee meeting:
Agenda for 10/22/12 (page 1)
Minutes of the meeting on 10/15/12 (page 2 -6)
Materials from City Clerk regarding Public Forum (pages 7 -9)
• Options for Publicizing Public Forum
• Draft Press Release
• Draft Flyer /Poster
Material from City Manager (page 10 -46)
• Racial Reconciliation, Truth - Telling, and Police Legitimacy
Proposed list of recommendations (page 47)
THE PUBLIC IS INVITED TO ATTEND ALL MEETINGS
AD HOC DIVERSITY COMMITTEE
MEETING AGENDA
Monday, October 22, 2012
Harvat Hall in City Hall
410 East Washington Street
4:00 PM
1. Approve October 15 minutes
2. Continued Presentation by Transportation Services Director
3. Public Forum discussion
Cable TV
Submission of questions
Publicizing efforts
Format
4. General Board discussion
a. Committee timeline discussion
b. Human Rights Commission involvement and "fit'
c. Police Citizens Review Board
d. Media coverage and "perceptions"
5. Tentative Meeting Schedule
• October 29 (Vanden Berg absent)
• November 5 (Botchway absent)
• November 12
• November 15 — public forum
6. Public Input
7. Adjournment
® /r
Ad Hoc Diversity Committee, October 15, 2012
MINUTES DRAFT
CITY COUNCIL AD HOC DIVERSITY COMMITTEE
OCTOBER 15, 2012
HARVAT HALL, 4:00 P.M.
Members Present: Bakhit Bakhit, Cindy Roberts, Joe Dan Coulter, Orville Townsend
(arrived at 4:06), Sr., Kingsley Botchway II, Joan Vanden Berg
(arrived at 4:07), LaTasha Massey
Staff Present: Eleanor Dilkes, Marian Karr, Tom Markus
Others Present: Charlie Eastham, Chris O'Brien, Mark Rummel
RECOMMENDATIONS TO COUNCIL:
None.
CALL MEETING TO ORDER:
The meeting was called to order by Chairperson Botchway at 4:05 P.M.
APPROVAL OF MEETING MINUTES:
Coulter noted that he would like to make a minor change to the October 8, 2012,
meeting minutes. On page 2 of the minutes, at the top of the page, he would like to
reword to say: ...this type of disproportionality information and assume racial /ethnic
discrimination.
Coulter moved to approve the minutes of the October 8, 2012, meeting as
amended.
Roberts seconded the motion.
The motion carried 6 -0; Vanden Berg absent.
GENERAL BOARD DISCUSSION:
None.
PRESENTATION BY TRANSPORTATION SERVICES DIRECTOR:
Chris O'Brien, Transportation Services Director, addressed Members concerning the
questions compiled. He first pointed out an error in his memo, on the bottom of page 1
under expenses —where it says 'transit levy' it should be 'personnel.' O'Brien first
reviewed some of the general information about transit operations. He noted that
operation times are 5:45 A.M. to 11:00 P.M., Monday through Friday, and 5:45 A.M. to
7:40 P.M. on Saturdays. There are 37 vehicles operated under transit, ten of which are
paratransit vehicles that are operated by Johnson County SEATS. O'Brien continued,
stating that there are approximately 20 routes and that so far this year they have about
1.965 million rides, up from 1.884 million the prior year.
021
Ad Hoc Diversity Committee, October 15, 2012
O'Brien then asked if Members had any questions concerning the Transit budget
information provided. Vanden Berg asked what the transit levy is, and O'Brien
responded that it is 95 -cents per $1,000 of valuation. He added that all of these funds
are dedicated to Transit. O'Brien further explained the financial makeup of Transit and
changes that have taken place over the years. He briefly went over the revenue section
of the Transit budget, giving Members a quick snapshot of this section. O'Brien then
responded to Member questions, explaining how revenue can fluctuate with the
economy, and gas prices.
The East Side Loop was discussed next, with O'Brien asking Members for their
questions and comments on the recent changes made here. Botchway noted that the
Committee discussed this issue at length at their last meeting, and that Members felt
they needed to give the changes some time to see if things have improved for riders.
O'Brien next addressed the Committee's concerns on ridership by route. He explained
the numbers that he gave Members in his earlier memo and how these were
determined. Coulter asked for some clarification on the ridership numbers — East Side
Loop 35.9 riders per trip, and Manville Heights at 9.5 riders per trip. O'Brien responded,
stating that they took the annual ridership numbers and divided that by the number of
trips provided in a given year. Coulter asked if they shouldn't be concerned when they
see ridership numbers above 30, for example.
O'Brien provided Members some history of certain routes and how as the ridership
increased, they made adjustments and added more buses and /or route times as
needed. He explained how they reach a specific threshold in ridership numbers with
standing room and how they then make plans to help alleviate overcrowding. Vanden
Berg asked if the increased number of public school students riding City buses has been
an issue. O'Brien explained how Transit has been addressing the East Side Loop
issues, and issues of underutilization on some routes.
The discussion turned to the process gone through by Transit when new routes are
suggested. O'Brien clarified how they arrive at their recommendations, after reviewing
the criteria and data that are part of this overall process. Botchway asked for more
information on how Transit provides education to the public, especially school -aged
riders. Vanden Berg spoke about the packet that is given to newcomers and how part of
that information is on bus schedules. O'Brien added that they do have communication
with the schools, but that there is always room for improvement in this communication.
He stated that they could push out more information by adding materials to the water
bills, for example. This would get the information into more homes as far as bus routes,
schedules, and rates.
O'Brien then spoke about some of the improvements, such as Bongo, that Transit has
added, which help to plan bus routes for riders. This is also tied in with Coralville's
Transit and the U of I's Cambus program. He also addressed the three distinct
populations of riders, noting how each tends to use the tools available. Townsend asked
how much communication there is between the various bus systems and whether there
has been any conversation on collaborating. O'Brien responded that the communication
between Iowa City and the other transit systems is strong, that they coordinate a lot of
their efforts, such as Bongo. He further explained that there are federal regulations in
place that keep their hands tied in some instances, such as competing with school buses
for ridership. Due to the funds received from the federal government, Iowa City Transit
must follow these regulations.
s
Ad Hoc Diversity Committee, October 15, 2012
Botchway then asked about the use of cameras on City buses and what Transit's policy
is for kicking individuals off the bus. O'Brien noted four issues in this category —
driver /rider interactions, use of cameras, removal of passengers from the bus, and
cultural diversity training for drivers. Addressing each issue, O'Brien first spoke to the
use of cameras. He stated that after the 9 / 11 event the FTA funded security systems
for buses, which is why each City bus has a six - camera system. Transit uses an
incident - driven policy, where an incident occurs on a City bus. Once a complaint is
received, for example, the video from that bus will be reviewed in order to determination
what took place. O'Brien added that 99.9% of the time they can easily determine what
took place. He stated that in working with the local schools, they have been able to
address these issues with the problem riders. He added that they have had very few
removals from the bus, with maybe five this year. Botchway asked about the protocol for
these removals. O'Brien explained what the steps are for such a removal, such as
warning the individual several times verbally. There is also a no- tolerance policy when it
comes to physical altercations.
O'Brien then addressed the way the transit system is set up. A hub and spoke system,
like Iowa City has, gets everyone to a central location from which they can then decide
which bus to take to their exact location. He shared with Members what can be
expected with this type of system, noting that typically a rider would have only one
transfer to get to their final destination. O'Brien also stated that keeping transit routes
simple and not changing them all of the time is important. Otherwise it can become very
confusing to the riders and cause quite a few complaints. O'Brien continued, giving
several examples of different transit systems that would include such things as making
more transfers to get to your destination, or even having to walk a few blocks to get to an
express route bus stop.
Vanden Berg asked if Iowa City is typical of cities this size in having a single hub and
spoke system. O'Brien responded that Iowa City is getting close to the breaking point
with 45- minute routes. Hour -long routes would show a definite need to add such things
as express routes or mini - shuttle services. He explained to Members how Transit is part
of a committee that is constantly looking at future transportation needs and ways to
collaborate with other entities to be able to create the best service possible. O'Brien
stated that they need to be able to evolve, to continually monitor their service and keep
communication open with their riders.
Massey asked about the diversity training that Transit provides for its employees.
O'Brien stated that NTI, the National Transit Institute, has a program where they bring in
an instructor to do this. He has contacted the surrounding transportation entities to see
if they would be interested in going through this training, as well. Botchway asked if
there is a timeframe by which Transit plans to accomplish this training. O'Brien
responded that the first step was to contact the other entities, and he believes this will
happen fairly quickly. He believes outreach can begin fairly quickly, as well. O'Brien
then went back to the diversity training issue, further explaining how they will have
training of the trainers, thus giving them the ability to keep the training ongoing.
Roberts asked about the priority of Sunday service and where it stands as far as
priorities for Transit. Botchway added that perhaps Sunday service could have an
altered schedule, like Saturday. O'Brien gave some background on what all is involved
in expanding services and what kind of staffing would be needed. The discussion
Ad Hoc Diversity Committee, October 15, 2012
continued with O'Brien responding to Member questions and concerns, explaining how
they determine the need for expanded routes. O'Brien also shared some past programs
where Transit attempted to fill a need by having a subsidized cab program that ran
nights, weekends, and holidays. He added that only three people used this program.
Markus asked if any of the local companies provide transportation for their employees.
O'Brien responded that some of the social service agencies do, but that he is not aware
of any of the larger employers offering such a service. Members continued to discuss
ways to extend services by collaborating with entities such as the U of I and local cab
companies.
Townsend asked about the survey that will be going out in November and if it has
anything about extended service on it. O'Brien noted that it does address expanded
service for Saturdays. Coulter asked about language barriers, noting that he often sees
English and Spanish on signs, but questions what other languages might need to be
included. O'Brien shared the information on the Iowa City Transit main page of the
website showing language assistance available in 6 languages. Markus added that the
Human Rights Commission has a subcommittee that has been evaluating the various
City departments for just this type of thing. They will be giving their recommendations
soon.
At this point in the discussion, Botchway asked if they could continue this discussion at
the next meeting – October 22. Markus and O'Brien then briefly touched on the financial
goals of the Transit division. O'Brien noted that when fares were increased from 75-
cents to $1.00, he received only one complaint. Markus briefly touched on tax rates in
Iowa City and the City's constant monitoring of these, how things like adding bus service
can affect these, and what the City is hoping to achieve with sustainability in divisions –
such as Transit. Further discussion will occur at the October 22 meeting.
TENTATIVE MEETING SCHEDULE
Karr asked that they look at the October 22nd meeting information distribute on the
agenda, noting that there are several items on the agenda. Botchway stated that they
may need to move items to the October 29th meeting if they run out of time.
PUBLIC INPUT:
Charlie Eastham spoke to when the Committee plans to hold their public forum. Karr
responded that November 15th is available at the Public Library and has been reserved.
However, she noted that the Committee has not yet talked about the structure of this
meeting. Botchway asked that they move this up in the agenda to be discussed after the
remainder of the transit discussion. Members briefly discussed what time they would
like to hold this forum, with 6:00 to 8:00 P.M. being agreed to.
ADJOURNMENT:
Vanden Berg moved to adjourn the meeting at 5:30 P.M.
Coulter seconded the motion.
The motion carried 7 -0.
--5—
Ad Hoc Diversity Committee
Ad Hoc Diversity Committee, October 15, 2012
ATTENDANCE RECORD
2012
Key.
X = Present
O = Absent
O/E = Absent/Excused
NM = Not a Member
TERM
o
0
0
0
NAME
EXP.
w
m
m
m
o
0
0
0
N
Go
O
V
N
A
W
CJ1
N
N
N
<o
Cn
N
CJ1
Donna
03/10/13
O/
X
N
N
N
N
Henry
E
M
M
M
M
Cindy
03/10/13
X
X
X
X
X
X
Roberts
Joan
03/10/13
X
X
X
X
X
X
Vanden
Berg
Bakhit
03/10/13
X
X
X
X
X
X
Bakhit
Kingsley
03/10/13
X
X
X
X
X
X
Botchway
Orville
03/10/13
X
X
X
X
X
X
Townsend
Joe Dan
03/10/13
X
X
X
X
X
X
Coulter
LaTasha
N
N
N
X
X
X
Massey
M
M
M
Key.
X = Present
O = Absent
O/E = Absent/Excused
NM = Not a Member
r
CITY OF IOWA CITY
MEMORANDUM
Date: October 18, 2012
To: Diversity Committee
From: Marian K. Karr, City Clerk
Re: Options for Publicizing Public Forum
• Post Agenda & Agenda News Release
• Notice to Neighborhood Association for Newsletters
• General News Release re: Forum
• Forum Notice in Council packet
• Route Notice to City Departments
• Post Notice in City Buildings
• Posted Notice in all City Buses
• Send Notices to Neighborhood Centers
• Headline on City webpage — Link to 1st General News Release
• 2nd General News Release re: Forum
Videotape of Forum
Cable to videotape (not broadcast live) and re -run Forum on the City Channel for couple of
months
*Neighborhood Centers of Johnson County
P.O. Box 2491
Iowa City, IA 52244
Pheasant Ridge Center
2651 Roberts Road, Iowa City, IA
Broadway Neighborhood Center
2105 Broadway Street, Iowa City, IA
** Transcriptions of forum in addition to minutes
General News Release:
The Ad Hoc Diversity Committee will be holding a Public Forum on the:
Y operation of the City's transit system , including b A. not limited to the downtown
interchange; and 40 y3
operation of the City law enforcement, incltt St not limited to the Police
.4 f
Citizens Review Board (PCRB) it ;:
as it relates to minority populations with a vie`xj J�id prodg just and harmonious
interaction between City government and n�,. segments Wcotmnunity.
WHEN: Thursday, November 15, 2012
TIME: 6:00 PM — 8:00 PM
WHERE: Iowa City Public Li bf oom A
123 South Linn Street;,' •%i/
/ WA
Questions Questions & Comments:
Send your questions • opts you e a
Monday, Novemb is
Please include frill na
fn
Ad Ho sfersif}/'
Cit';:i'Terk
City of ity
410E Wasii �on St
Iowa City, IA 40
The Committee wit
to the following by
is public)
I to staff:
marian- karf@iowa- city.org
all correspondence received.
The forum will be taped affd rebroadcast on the Interactive City Channel 5. The agenda
is available at: http: / /wivw.icpov.org,/ default /apps /boards /boardList.ast)
We invite YOU to attend a forum.
The City of Iowa City
AD HOC DIVERSITY COMMITTEE
PUBLIC FORUM
WHEN: Thursday, November 15, 2012
TIME: 6:00 — 8:00 PM
WHERE: Iowa City Public Library, Room A
123 South Linn Street, IC
TOPIC:
The Ad Hoc Diversity Committee will be holding a Public Forum on:
➢ o @ration of the City's transit syst m , includin[J ,but not limited to
-•.�% +�x'L+?3; .,,v.,..x. r Ptuw�i tip.,; ��t} rn: �;5'.;.;:;gfY:,£,�,"S�:ii''}?;� "x'ti "y':aa:6�'. `i$ ±•
e ciuntownneehl. n e' and r
g .
4 d$:.: 4 i
Roperate : of tftj City enforc o t, includ: yg but no 'limit to MS. y ,
io he Poli ::.,Citins R'iew Boa, (; RB)
asill relates ti:.
A. mini _rttatuy {cipulations;rvithview to, :d' omotinq `.f st
ann arm on
se K ents o1
e cawimu
n
m nt and mino
QUESTIONS & COMMENTS:
Send your questions or comments you'd like addressed at the forum
to the following by Monday, November 12th:
Please include full name and address. (All correspondence is public)
Ad Hoc Diversity Committee
City of Iowa City
410 E Washington St
Iowa City, IA 52240
Or e -mail to staff:
marian- karr @iowa- city.org
The Committee will attempt to address all correspondence received.
The forum will be taped for rebroadcast. 9?
RACIAL RECONCILIATION,
TRUTH - TELLING,
AND POLICE LEGITIMACY
TRUTH - TELLING,
AND POLICE LEGITIMACY
by Zoe Mentel
U.S. Department of Justice
Office of Community Oriented Policing Services
//_
The opinions contained herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the official position or policies of
the U.S. Department of Justice. References to specific agencies, companies, products, or services should not be considered
an endorsement by the author(s) or the U.S. Department of Justice. Rather, the references are illustrations to supplement
discussion of the issues.
The Internet references cited in this publication were valid as of the date of this publication. Given that URLs and websites
are in constant flux, neither the author(s) nor the COPS Office can vouch for their current validity.
ISBN: 978-1-932582-38-3
August 2012
41—
Racial Reconciliation, Truth - Telling, and Police Legitimacy
The author wishes to express sincere appreciation to the staff of the National Network for Safe
Communities at John Jay College, specifically Professor David Kennedy, Vaughn Crandall, Sue -
Lin Wong, and Sibylle Von Ulmenstein for their input and ongoing commitment to creating safe
and equitable communities.
A thank you must also go to Chief Ronald Davis of the East Palo Alto (California) Police
Department for providing his always nuanced comments and suggestions, as well as for bringing
his considerable thought leadership on this topic to the forefront of the law enforcement
profession.
Also deserving of deep gratitude are Director Bernard Melekian and Assistant Director Katherine
McQuay of the COPS Office, whose guidance and advocacy for this project has been essential.
Finally, to all of the police chiefs, community organizers, faith -based leaders, academics, and
policymakers who took the time to come to the U.S. Department of Justice and speak openly
and "on the record" about this difficult and sensitive topic, thank you for your courage and
willingness to come to the table.
11� —�3 —
Racial Reconciliation, Truth-Telling, and Police Legitimacy
r
4� tr
M.
;b..y .ii.nopa
Dear Colleagues,
Law er forcement in America is facing many daunting challenges. Perhaps none is more troubling
and complex than that of race. The issue of race continues to prevent us front effectively performing
our coref unctions of reducing violence and improving quality of life for all citizens.
To be sure, we have madegreat progress. Many local departments, along with support from the
U. S. Department ofjustice, have analyzed their car -stop data, reviewed policies to reduce bias -
based policing, and engaged in outreach with their local minority leaders. No one can deny that
departments grow increasingly diverse, especially as youngergenerations with fewer biases are
proving into the force.
Over the last several decades, as part of a transition to true community policing law eitforcentent has
undergone a fundamental shift in the hiring and recruitment of a diverse pool of talented officers, an
achievement that deserves rnore public recognition than it has received. Nonetheless, representation
of minorities among the unnks is, in and of itself, insufficient in overcoming the problems that are
a legacy of the 300 yeas ofracial history in this count7y. On a daily basis, in our poorest, most
disadvantaged, and often urban minority communities, crime claims the lives ofyoung, black males,
whether through violent death or incarceration.
My staffbere at the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services wrote this publication to
serve two proposes First, it is meant to introduce, in an accessible and practitioner focused way,
the key theoretical, criminological, and historical concepts that underlie the issue of race and policing.
Second, and more importantly, it provides the law eiforcemrnent field with the chance to hear from
their own colleagues, both their peers and leaders, why this issue is ofpa'amount moral and strategic
importance.
Policing is a noble profession. Yet in many of the communities where we are needed most desperately,
policing and the criminal justice system as a whole suffer from low levels ofperceived legitimacy.
Why this perception persists is d f7cult to explain. After all, I have yet to meet a police of icer, in
my nearly 40 yea's in this business, who has told me that his or her reason for joining the force was
to em force a racist agenda. Nevertheless, in these economically devastated and high - crime black
communities, the police ae still often mistakenly viewed as conspirators working against the good
ofthe community.
Letter from the Director
This misunderstanding endures because offactors far outside law ey forcentents control. As a society,
we address other systemic, social problems — educational, economic, and health disparities, for
example —with social programs and community -based solutions. However, the cycle ofviolence that
disproportionately affects our black youth remains a social problem that we treat fast and foremost
with a c'iminaljustice system response. This is notjustice, neither for the victims ofthis problem nor
thepolice who are charged with theprimmy responsibility for solving it.
Upon graduation from the academy, every new peace officer sweets an oath, one that places a high
value on defending civil liberties for all. This oath may vmy frotniurisdlctlon to jurisdiction, but
most stem front the law et forcement code of ethics, which includes the following promise: 11s a law
er forcement officer my f utdamental duty is to serve the community; to safeguard lives and property;
to protect the innocent against deception, the weak against oppression or intimidation, and the
peaceftd against violence or disorder; and to respect the constitutional rights ofall to liberty, equality,
and justice. "
This is not a dirty any ofus takes lightly. We face a great challenge and a great opportunity. In all
era of reduced budgets, loss ofpolice capacity requires we increase our reliance on the community
we serve, whose ability to er force its own standards and norms is crucial in affecting collective
behavioral change. The suspicion and utistrust borne of a cycle of arrest and incarceration must be
countered with new and alternative solutions, such as the ones that are discussed in this publication.
If we tackle this issue ofrac7al reconciliation n formed by evidence and research, supported by
community partners, and performed with courage, then we will be moving into a new era of
policing. We will realize the ideals that have always formed the core ofthe profession: uphold the law,
protect the weak, demand justice, and defend the equal rights ofall citizens.
Sincerely,
Berrrard K. Melekiarr, Director
Offee of Community Oriented Policing Services
V /�i
Racial Reconciliation, Truth Tel
COP49
COMMUNITY ORIENTED FOLIOINO SERVICES
U.S. OEFARTAIENT OF JUSTICE
and Police
The Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office)
is the component of the U.S. Department of justice responsible for
advancing the practice of community policing by the nation's state, local,
territory, and tribal law enforcement agencies through information and
grant resources.
Community policing is a philosophy that promotes organizational strategies that support the systematic use of
partnerships and problem- solving techniques, to proactively address the immediate conditions that give rise to
public safety issues such as crime, social disorder, and fear of crime.
Rather than simply responding to crimes once they have been committed, community policing concentrates oil
preventing crime and eliminating the atmosphere of fear it creates. Earning the trust of the community and making
those individuals stakeholders in their own safety enables law enforcement to better understand and address both
the needs of the community and the factors that contribute to crime.
The COPS Office awards grants to state, local, territory, and tribal law enforcement agencies to hire and train
community policing professionals, acquire and deploy cutting -edge crime fighting technologies, and develop
and test innovative policing strategies. COPS Office finding also provides training and technical assistance to
community members acid local government leaders and all levels of law enforcement. The COPS Office has
produced and compiled a broad range of information resources that can help law enforcement better address
specific crime and operational issues, and help community leaders better understand how to work cooperatively
with their law enforcement agency to reduce crime.
• Since 1994, the COPS Office has invested nearly $14 billion to add community policing officers to the nation's
streets, enhance crime fighting technology, support critne prevention initiatives, and provide training and
technical assistance to help advance community policing.
• By the end of FY2011, the COPS Office has funded approximately 123,000 additional officers to more than
13,000 of the nation's 18,000 law enforcement agencies across the country in small and large jurisdictions alike.
• Nearly 600,000 law enforcement personnel, community members, and government leaders have been trained
through COPS Office - fnded training organizations.
• As of 2011, the COPS Office has distributed more than 6.6 million topic - specific publications, training
curricula, white papers, and resource CDs.
COPS Office resources, covering a wide breath of community policing topics —from school and campus safety to
gang violence —are available, at no cost, through its online Resource Information Center at www.cops.usdoj,gov.
This easy- to- navigatewebsite is also the grant application portal, providing access to online application forms.
Vi —/t
NATIONAL NETWORK
FOR
SAFE COMMUNITIES
Racial Reconciliation, TruthTelling,and Police
The National Network for Safe Communities represents mid supports
cities around the country to apply and advance proven strategies to reduce
serious violent crime and to close overt drug markets.
The National Network recognizes that both law enforcement and the
community must play a critical role in addressing these problems —but
that neither can do it alone. Therefore, its strategies combine the best
of law enforcement and community crime prevention approaches to
improve public safety dramatically.
Launched by the Center for Crime Prevention and Control at John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York
in 2009, the National Network comprises more than 50 cities actively implementing and advancing two specific
strategies: the Group Violence Reduction Strategy (GVRS), first implemented as "Operation Ceasefire" in Boston
in the mid- 1990s, and the Drug Market Intervention (DMI), also known as the "High Point Model," after the
North Carolina city that pioneered it.
More than 20 years of field experience and a substantial body of research demonstrate that these strategies:
• Reduce serious violence
• Shut down overt drug markets
• Reduce arrests and imprisonment
• Strengthen disadvantaged communities
• Use existing resources
The National Network is committed to "saving lives, saving communities" by taking its strategies to a national
scale and serving the nation's most vulnerable communities. The National Network is designed to represent and
support its members by raising the visibility of their work, offering them technical assistance, recognizing and
helping others learn from their work and innovations, supporting peer exchange and education, and conducting
research and evaluations.
Please visit w%v%miscommunities.org for detailed information on the National Network's mission, strategies,
research findings, media coverage, events, and membership.
vii
Racial Reconciliation, Truth-Telling, and Police Legitimacy
Acknowledgements ......................... ...............................
iii
Letter from the Director ..................... ...............................
iv
About the.COPS Office ...................... ...............................
vi
About the National Network for Safe Communities .........................
vii
Background................................... ..............................1
Two competing narratives ..................... ..............................2
Putting narratives into historical context ...... ..............................3
The police perspective, legal cynicism, and community responses ..........
5
Race and the millennial officer ................ .............................10
Narcotics enforcement, arrests, and incarceration ..........................11
Promoting racial reconciliation through accountability .....................14
Legality versus legitimacy ..................... .............................15
Apologies, acknowledgements, and truth - telling ...........................16
"Earning a moment of pause' ................. .............................18
Racial reconciliation and community violence prevention ..................19
References.................................... .............................23
Appendix: January 2012 Executive Session Participants ....................25
Discussion Questions .......................... .............................27
ixs _' /FI--
Racial Reconciliation, Truth - Telling, and Police Legitimacy
r •.
On January 11, 2012, the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office), in
conjunction with the National Network for Safe Communities at John Jay College of Criminal
Justice, hosted an executive session with police chiefs, researchers, and policymakers at the U.S.
Department of Justice in Washington, D.C.
This meeting focused on the topic of "racial reconciliation and truth - telling," a phrase used by
the National Network for the process of addressing grievances, perceptions, and misperceptions
between communities of color affected by violence and the law enforcement agencies that serve
them. When these issues are addressed openly, new and different understandings emerge, and a
profound transformation in community — police relations becomes possible. Community norms
against violence and crime strengthen as tensions with law enforcement ease, and those norms
can carry Hutch of the burden of crime prevention.
The National Network for Safe Communities is a coalition of cities and jurisdictions that have
committed to implementing two violence and drug market reduction strategies. The Group
Violence Reduction Strategy (GVRS) and the Drug Market Intervention (DMI) —also known as
"Boston Ceasefire" and the "High Point Model," respectively —have demonstrated a reduction in
the levels of gang violence and overt drag markets in troubled neighborhoods across the country.'
These strategies are most often deployed in minority neighborhoods struggling with serious
systemic problems. High crime, poverty, incarceration rates, and unemployment combined
with low educational attainment and lack of community trust for governmental institutions—
especially for the police, who are often the most visible representatives of local government —
have created a cycle of disinvestment in these communities. As the work of the National
Network has evolved, the immediate, pressing need to address the historical tension between
law enforcement and minority communities has become increasingly cleat.
1. For the most recent research on these strategies, see the Campbell Collaboration's meta - analysis of focused deterrence
strategies (see Braga and Weisburd 2011).
Racial Reconciliation, Truth-'
Behind every
narrative is
a culture —and
people will die for
that. You will strap
on a bomb vest
if you think your
religion is being
challenged. You
will die if you're
a gangbanger in
order to protect
your set; that's
what you've been
told to do.
and Police
Two competing narratives
While police legitimacy is low across many communities of color, the
relationship between the police and the African - American community
comes with its own unique challenges and history, which include a set
of complexities and traumas distinct from those of newer immigrant
communities. The foundation of both GVRS and DMI is built on the
premise that effective and sustainable crime reduction can come only
with the internal, public articulation of community norms and practices ?'
However, without addressing the differences in perspective between the
police and the community, this goal becomes increasingly unrealistic.
According to Professor David Kennedy, co -chair and founder of the
National Network, two competing narratives have emerged:
Many in the African - American community feel that most cops are dishonest and out
to get them, that the CIA Is behlnd the drug epidemic, and it's all a conspiracy to lock
up more and more African - American men. On the other hand, the cops will say the
community is complicit, that "nobody cares; no one is raising their kids ; "'everybody is
living off of drug money, "and "the only thing we can do is occupy them "'
— Chris Walter These two narratives are simultaneously enduring and false, and their self-
sustn i n in& nature, according to Professor Kennedy, arises from the fact that
both the police and the community points -of -view "are entirely reasonable
and plausible. You stand on one side and look at what is going on, and
they both make sense. And yet at the root of this problem lies a profound
if rational misunderstanding." Moreover, the prevalence of these narratives
among both populations is endemic. As Chris Wader, director of the Harlem
Community Justice Center, explains,
In the black community; these narratives are very powerful. You hearthem in church;
you don'tjust hear them on the street from kids.... Behind every narrative is a
culture —and people will die for that. You will strap on a bomb vest if you think your
religion is being challenged. You will die if you're a gangbanger in order to protect
your set; that's what you've been told to do.
To dismiss the power, scope, and reach of the narratives communities tell
about themselves is perilous, and for law enforcement to disregard them as
out of hand will ultimately be both counterproductive and cyclical.
2. This premise itself, in turn, is based on research demonstrating that informal social control is more effective at crime
reduction than formaljustice system controls (see Sampson 1985; Sampson and Laub 1990).
3. Unless otherwise cited, quotations in this publication are taken from the executive session hosted bythe COPS Office
and National Network in Washington D.C. on January 11, 2012.
_ao
Racial Reconciliation, Truth Telling, and Police
Putting narratives into historical context
To law enforcement, the belief in a concerted government conspiracy to create the crack cocaine
epidemic is patently false, even bordering on ludicrous or paranoid. To the conttntmity, the idea
that everyone in the neighborhood is a criminal profiting from the drug trade is highly offensive
and encoded with racist biases. This (almost knee -jerk) reaction to dismiss each other's narrative
as unreasonable or absurd is what creates a dangerous set of misunderstandings that subvert the
creation of sustained community safety. Both sets of beliefs are false, to be sure, but they are not
without context.
From the communities' perspective, the troubled history between the police and the poorest
African - American communities makes a government conspiracy, in which police are not only
complicit but also actively participatory, seem plausible. The combat rhetoric of the "War on
Drugs' —and its policies resulting in disproportionate minority contact —has provided hardly any
evidence to the contrary.' Moreover, although the worst of the daily atrocities perpetrated against
African- Americans occurred generations ago, many older members of communities of color still
vividly remember the police role in enforcing both written, statutory laws and unwritten codes of
conduct aimed at denying the civil rights of minority communities.
Whether or not law enforcement acknowledges this past role, both the police and the community
are currently inheriting problems associated with it. Professor Kennedy illustrates this point with
an anecdote fi-om within the police ranks:
When [Professor] Tracey Meares [of Yale University] and I came to talk about racial reconciliation
for [Superintendent] Garry McCarthy and the Chicago PD, which we were told was the first time his
command staff had ever talked about this In any open way, one of the department's black command
officers said, "You look at the pictures of the people lynched and hanging front the trees, and most of
them are in handcuffs. And you know what that means"
Within this historical context, it becomes easier to understand the community's deep- seated
mistrust of the police, and that feeling manifests itself in the belief that law enforcement is still
actively conspiring to do racial harm against minority populations.
4. For a more extended discussion of the "War on Drugs" and racial disparities, see "Criminal Justice, Race, and the War on
Drugs "(Mitchell and Lynch 2011).
r02 / —
Racial Reconciliation, Truth Telling, and Police
what happens with the revolving door is another story. We're arresting young men
that look [Ike me on a regular basis.... Povertyand lack of education and all of the
social problems are what create the crime situation; but it leaves law enforcement in
a tough place. There's not chief [in the country] who would remain in the position
they are in if they allowed crime to rise in their communities.
Chief Turner accurately describes this political pressure, which requires
police chiefs to respond to spikes in violence and deliver immediate
reductions in crime. However, this system of incentives and punishments
can create a counterproductive prioritization of short -term goals over
long -term ones. Professor Tracey Meares of Yale University summarizes the
resulting problem in the following terms:
One of the challenges is that we want to live in a world where bringing down crime
is the same as bringing people to justice; but that's not always the same thing. We
know that lots of arrests may bring down (rime, but that can also leave communities
worse off than they were before.
ji _a,;L_
Yet, Professor Kennedy sees the importance of communicating,
One of the
unequivocally, that "there is no conspirac)'" The goal of local law
challenges is that
enforcement is not to arrest and imprison every young male of color in the
we want to live in a
neighborhood. Yet, at the same time, he continues,
world where bringing
I absolutelyunderstand why the communitybellevesit. African-American
down crime is the
communities haveltistorically been subject to deliberate oppression bylaw
same as bringing
enforcement, from slave - catching through Reconstruction, Jim Crow,and the civil
to justice; but
rights movement.Todaythe communitysees relentlessdrug enforcement: people
people
are stopped on the street. Their doors are kicked in. They are taken from their families
that's not always the
and sentto prison at enormously high rates,and they come backwith criminal
same thing. We know
records, unable to get a legitimatejob ... Thisis notabout bias, profiling, abuse,
that lots of arrests may
orany otherway we usually talk about alminaIjustice problems. I workin these
communities. The crime is real, and overwhelmingly the arrests are legitimate. But
bring down crime,
we are destroying the village in orderto save it. (Kennedy 2009,15)
but that can also leave
communities worse off
The police, furthermore, are neither unconflicted nor unreflective about
than they were before.
this untenable situation, in which they too are caught. George Turner,
an African- Ainerican chief of the Atlanta (Georgia) Police Department,
— Tracey Meares
emphasizes that he and his department are extremely sensitive to the charges
that police are targeting young, black males; yet he admits that 75 percent
of the 38,000 people his department arrested last year fit that description.
On the one hand, he says, "NYC have an obligation as law enforcement to go
in and do the work that we are sworn to do. And that is to bring [criminals]
to justice." On the other hand,
what happens with the revolving door is another story. We're arresting young men
that look [Ike me on a regular basis.... Povertyand lack of education and all of the
social problems are what create the crime situation; but it leaves law enforcement in
a tough place. There's not chief [in the country] who would remain in the position
they are in if they allowed crime to rise in their communities.
Chief Turner accurately describes this political pressure, which requires
police chiefs to respond to spikes in violence and deliver immediate
reductions in crime. However, this system of incentives and punishments
can create a counterproductive prioritization of short -term goals over
long -term ones. Professor Tracey Meares of Yale University summarizes the
resulting problem in the following terms:
One of the challenges is that we want to live in a world where bringing down crime
is the same as bringing people to justice; but that's not always the same thing. We
know that lots of arrests may bring down (rime, but that can also leave communities
worse off than they were before.
ji _a,;L_
Racial Reconciliation, Truth- Telling, and Police
"Overpolicing" or, perhaps more accurately, "over- enforcement" may lead to the immediate
crime reductions necessary for mayors to be reelected and, therefore, police chiefs to keep their
jobs. However, to put it in Professor Kennedy and Meares's terms, law enforcement in the long
tern may be "burning down the village" or "destroying the community's immune system" in the
process. This leads to the vicious cycle in which the community is no longer healthy enough to
police itself through informal social control.
Furthermore, not only are formal social controls —i.e., the traditional justice system tools
of arrest and incarceration —less effective at controlling crime, but at some point they may
even become counterproductive. Research has suggested that overreliance on incarceration,
by reducing social capital and "weaken[ing] family and community structures," may lead to
communities "experienc[ing] more, not less social disorganization" (Rose and Clear 1998, 441).
In other words, incarceration rates may reach a certain tipping point, which —once passed —
actually contribute to the social conditions that lead to, rather than control, crime.
responses
To be clear, however, the police should not carry all blame for this complex dynamic; municipal
policing, after all, was designed to be a safety mechanism for a community when informal social
controls fail. The wide- ranging and systemic root causes for the structural inequalities existing
in America's most trouble neighborhoods extend far beyond the reach and responsibility of law
enforcement alone. Yet law enforcement often singlehandedly bears the burden of addressing the
crime and violence issues that are symptomatic of these underlying problems.
To further complicate matters, a traditional and narrow understanding of what the police do
means that officers have primarily at their disposal tools of enforcement and arrest, which have
the ability to exacerbate the low collective efficacy in these communities. In short, the police are
charged with solving a problem beyond their scope with tools that are inadequate in addressing
the social factors that contribute to persistent crime and violence.
Racial Reconciliation, Truth Telling, and Police
Strained relationships between the police and certainAfiican- American communities grow
increasingly complex. Misperceptions have given rise to mutually exclusive understandings of the
police's role in society and now go well beyond the color line; no longer is it simply the case that
the cops are hegemonically white and the community is monolithically black. According to Dan
Isom, chief of the St. Louis (Missouri) Police Department, police must be aware of the danger
in assuming the entire African - American community feels the same way about law enforcement.
He cautions that some residents in predom nantly minority communities demand mart' law
enforcement, not less:
As an African- American and also a police officer, I feel like I can talk on both sides. I don't know if there
is a consistent narrative about how African - Americans view police officers; It depends on where you live
and what your status is in the community. In St. Louis, we find that it's more about the outcomes and
the distribution ofjustice that is the problem. People In those neighborhoods that are affected by high
crime are demanding, "Why is there high crime in our neighborhood? Why haven't the police stopped
this? Do you have as many police in North St. Louis as you do in South St. Louis? Are the cops In cahoots
with the criminals because they keep getting back out ofjail?
Of course, Chief Isom is correct in pointing out that not everyone from the same neighborhood
or community believes the same thing about the police. However, according to Professor Meares
of Yale University, the more important point is that the percentage of people who believe that the
police are conspiring against the black community is much higher in these high- crime, high -
enforcement communities.'
Research has documented that the level of legal cynicism in these communities matters;
neighborhoods plagued with high legal cynicism are also the neighborhoods plagued by high
crime and loco collective efficacy, meaning crimes are underreported and cooperation with the
police is discouraged (Mrk and Matsuda 2011).1 Therefore, Professor Meares concludes that
ifyou can bring down the proportion of people who believe [the police "conspiracy theory "], what you
get is heterogeneity in beliefs. You don't need everybody, but you need more; you reach a tipping point.
When you get that, you don't have those high levels of legal cynicism, and you can do the work that you
need to do to get the crime down and keep it down.
5. However, one caveat must be mentioned: high levels of dissatisfaction with the police cannot be explained completely
by race. Dr. JeremyTravis, summarizing research on this topic, concludes:
Once neighborhood economic disadvantage is taken into account, blacks'views are found to be similar to whites:
Blacks appear to be more cynical toward or dissatisfied with the police only because they are more likely to live where
disadvantage is concentrated. Even in neighborhoods where the rate of violent crime is high, there is no difference .
between the races in attitudes toward the police. Racial differences disappear when neighborhood context is
considered. Thus; residents'estrangement from the police is better explained by neighborhood context than race.
(Travis 1999,2)
6. The term "legal cynicism" is defined as "a cultural frame in which the law and the agents of its enforcement are viewed as
illegitimate, unresponsve, and ill equipped to ensure public safety" (Kirk and Matsuda 2011, 444).
6 1 all
Racial Reconciliation, Truth Telling, and Police Legitimacy
However, legal cynicism can easily (and dangerously)
look like apathy, and the police perspective is often
more nuanced and compassionate than the community
may understand. The current situation is more
complicated than the blanket statement that every
beat cop, narcotics officer, and sergeant dismisses the
community as complicit and apathetic; yet, some
frustration with the community still feels warranted.
Berard Melekian, director of the COPS Office,
illustrates this point by relaying a story from Pasadena,
California, about two contrasting events, both tragic
and involving young, African - American males,
which prompted two divergent responses from the
community;
Iknow the community
cares because I've
sat in too many living
rooms and listened
to the grief. But if that
grief for the Shawn
Baptistes of the world
never comes out, it
makes it possible for
people to ignore what's
going on.
— Benrmd K Melekian
In 2004, Maurice Clark was shot and killed after a brief
foot pursuit. He was armed at the time of the chase and
fired at least one round during that incident. But Maurice
was a young man, known both to the communityand the
police not as a bad kid, but as someone who hung around
with the wrong crowd. His death generated a great deal
of community anger, both emotional anti intense, which
served as a stark reminder that Issues of race and the
police continue to divide our society. It was among the
most difficult periods during my tenure as police chief.
But what was equally troubling to me was the absence of
community outrage around the death of another young
person, Shawn Baptiste,just a few years later.
Shawn was an 18- year -old boy, who was also hanging
around in the wrong place and killed by gang member
who was shooting at one of Shawn's companions. Yet the
Intense, organized, and emotional response triggered
by Maurice Clark's death was not there for Shawn
Baptiste, even though he was another good kid lost.
There were no marches In front of the police department,
no public demonstrations of mourning and outrage by
the community. The only phone calls I received about
Shawn were from his mother. My point is not that the
terrible death of Maurice Clark didn't deserve that kind of
attention; my point is that the equally terrible death of
Shawn Baptiste deserved It as well,
71 -Z -
Racial Reconciliation, Truth Telling, and Police Legitimacy
Experiences like these are not unfamiliar to any police officer who serves long enough on the
force. Collectively, they underlie those deep feelings of frustration with a situation that no one
neither police nor community alike —finds morally acceptable.
Yet the danger lies in not understanding this story in all its nuances and complexities: the
community may not have coalesced and protested loudly in front of places of local government,
but that does not mean it was tolerant of the conditions and behaviors that led to Shawn
Baptiste's death. According to Director Melekian, the problem is not that the community fails to
care, but that, viewed from the outside, it may appear that zaa)i
which generatesthe belief thatthey are apathetic among the officers who serve them. If those officers
believe the community doesn't care —and this is especially so when they don't cooperate —It lowers the
enthusiasm on the police side of the equation. I knowthe community cares because I've satin too many
living rooms and listened to the grief. But if that grief for the Shawn Baptistes of the world never comes
out, it makes it possible for people to ignore what's going oil.'
Unfortunately, communities holding high legal cynicism are nor necessarily those that are
reacting vocally with demands but instead are responding silently-with grief or anger.
Ronald Davis, an African- American police chief in East Palo Alto, California, heads a relatively
diverse police force in a community that is more than 16 percent African - American and 64
percent Hispanic /Latino.'' But even he admits to making the initial error of misreading his
own community. "Most chiefs," according to Davis, "think silence is satisfaction. No, it is not.
It's just silence."
Too often, law enforcement mistakes this silence (the perceived lack of outrage, the absence of
candlelight vigils and marches on city hall) for, at best, apathy for and, at worst, complicity in the
cycle of violence that continues to afflict poor, urban neighborhoods.
7. In turn, the community perceives this lack of enthusiasm on the part of the police as neglect "If residents perceive
that the police are neglectful, unresponsive or abusive, then they are less likely to report crimes to the police regardless
of whether the police are actually neglectful "(Kirk and Matsuda 2011, 447). Therefore, apathy or the perception of apathy
becomes cyclical and self - fulfilling.
8. Demographic information comes from the 2010 census data: Lap- Mquickfacts._census gov_ /qfd /states /06/0620956.html
9. As of 2012, the demographic breakdown of the East Palo Alto (California) Police Department, both sworn and
civilian staff, includes 24 percent females and 73 percent minorities. In comparison, the most recent Law Enforcement
Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS) survey from 2007 reports that; overall, approximately 1 in 8 local law
enforcement officers are females and 1 in 4 are minorities (U.S. Department of Justice 2011, 6).
8 —OQ —
Racial Reconciliation, Truth Telling, and Police Legitimacy
In reality, silence may not represent apathy, nor does
it necessarily communicate satisfaction with law
enforcement; rather —just the opposite — silence on the
part of the community may be a manifestation of anger
at die unacceptable levels of violence that occur In
,poor, black neighborhoods, as well as deep frustration
with the inability of the police to prevent that violence.
Furthermore, a conununity may also remain silent to
avoid triggering additional, unwanted law enforcement
attention to their neighborhood. But to argue that
disadvantaged people of color "don't care" when one
member of their community kills another would be to
argue that those conmitmities are morally bankrupt in a
ivay that evidence shows they are not.
The anecdotal, personal observations of Chief Davis,
after all, correspond to empirical research on legal
cynicism, which demonstrates that "one can be
highly intolerant of crime but live in a disadvantaged
context bereft of legal sanctions and perceived justice"
(Sampson and Bartusch 1998, 784). In other words,
low - income black communities can be highly intolerant
of criminal and violent behavior (even more so than
those in ostensibly lower crime communities) while still
holding a high degree of mistrust toward the law and
law enforcement.10
Through this lens, moral outrage toward violence that
Plagues disadvantaged communities is not necessarily
expressed through the same mechanisms or outlets to
which more affluent communities have access —e.g.,
high profile media attention and political will. Poor
minority communities can be highly intolerant of
violent behavior while simultaneously remaining
silent —or, perhaps more accurately, silenced —by the
feeling that the law, the criminal justice system, and its
representatives are too weak or ineffectual to bring about
sustained community safety for all.
Most of the officers
we hire now
were not even alive
during ... the civil
rights struggle, [but]
they are going into
houses of people
that were.
— Ronald Dauir
10. "Put simply, "Robert Sampson and Dawn Bartusch argue, "there is no'black'subcultureof violence. If anything, African
Americans are less tolerant of crime than their European American counterparts'(] 998, 860).
1 "2,7 —
Racial Reconciliation, Truth Telling, and Police Legitimacy
Race and the millennial officer
This disconnect is further exacerbated by the fact that a significant demographic shift is occurring
within the ranks, and the new generation of officers often fails to understand the history that has
informed and shaped the development of these narratives. At the January 2012 executive session,
Atlanta Police Chief Turner pointed out:
There's a big factor we can't overlook in talking about law enforcement —the fact that police
departments don t look like they used to. Thirty percent of my department is new to the force, having
come on board in the last three years. And many of those officers are young, female, and /or members of
communities of color. And many of them say, "We aren't racist! Don't tag us with that label"
Yet focusing on whether these officers consider themselves racist can miss the point, the problem,
as Fast Palo Alto Police Chief Davis articulates, is that while "most of the officers we hire now
were not even alive during ... the civil rights struggle, they are going into houses of people that
were. "" According to Director Melekian of the COPS Office, the millennial officer:
• Is less likely to carry overtly racist views as expressed through intentional, individual racism
(as opposed to unintentional bias or institutional racism)
• Was born significantly after the civil rights movement in the 1960s
• Does not have the same personal, contextual background that the older generation may have
in understanding law enforcement's historical role in enforcing and reinforcing laws resulting
in racial inequity"
Proper training and messaging is therefore critical, as younger officers, perhaps lacking both
historical context and interpersonal racism, may not connect past wrongs and present -day
unintentional bias with (1) institutional racism, (2) legitimate grievances that the African -
American community may hold against policing or the criminal justice system as a whole, (3) the
legitimacy of their role in navigating the complicated and challenging relationship between the
police and citizens of color, and (4) why the community may maintain the incorrect but plausible
belief that the police are carrying out a calculated and racist conspiracy.i3
11. At the same time, as anew generation of offenders comes in contact with the police, they too may be less aware of the
history that has contributed to community narratives and views of the police.
12. While there is no direct research to support Director Melekian's claims, a recent study completed by the Pew Research
Center (2011, 52, 78) stated that millennials— defined by the Pew Research Center as those born after 1981 —are the least likely
generation to see interracial marriage "as a bad thing'and most likely to agree that it is "OK for blacks and whites to date"
13. This may be supported by another report released by the Applied Research Center, which shows that "the majority of
young people have difficulty defining present day racism when initially asked and typically fall back upon generic terms
of interpersonal racism "rather than structural or institutional racism (Apollon 2011). White participants; furthermore, were
much less likely than participants of color to label entire systems as racist. Millennials in this report were defined as those
being born after 1980.
10 4�
Racial Reconciliation,Truth- Telling, and Police Legitimacy
Simply not viewing oneself as racist will fail to convince a skeptical community that the police
are protecting their best interest. As Professor Kennedy of the National Network observed,
"Director Melekian said young officers today are not racists; yet they are behaving in exactly the
same way, so that people in the community think they are still part of this deliberate attack on
them." This does not mean that the police are exhibiting the same racist behavior and attitudes
as those from generations ago; however, law enforcement strategies, performance incentives, and
tactics have not changed to keep pace with changing attitudes about race and reconciliation.
Enforcement - heavy, arrest - driven policing will continue to reinforce the community's belief in
police illegitimacy, regardless of whetter the young officer making those arrests considers himself
or herself a racist. 14
Even though police today are not engaged in a deliberate conspiracy, and although the new
generation of officers is less likely to hold the same overt racist biases as those of previous
generations, certain current policing practices, criminal justice policies, and even individual
attitudes and behaviors can create unintended harms that reinforce the community's belief that
the police have a racist agenda.
Whenever discussions of criminal justice reform enter into the territory of race, the policies
and practices of drug control eventually enter the conversation. First, the "war on drugs" was
designed and written into law by legislators outside of the communities in question, rather than
by the police on the ground, the latter of whom were "conscripted" by default as its primary foot
soldiers. Second, the debate on drug policies and racial disparities merits a larger conversation,
and many prominent scholars criminologists, historians, and political scientists —have studied
this issue at length.
For the purposes of this discussion, however, the question of whether the "war on drugs" was
a bad, misinformed, or even racist policy must be bracketed for the moment, and the focus
must turn from theory to practice: how —in terms of everyday police operations, investigations,
and arrests —have drug enforcement policies resulted in local decisions that help or hinder law
enforcement's ability to engage with those citizens who suffer the most from drug violence?
14. At the same time, however, because the new generation is more open, the "rank and file, °as East Palo Alto Police Chief
Davis says, "will have an easier time accepting frank conversations about race than older officers."
Racial Reconciliation, Truth Telling, and Police Legitimacy
can arrest
To illustrate the inherent problems of traditional police approaches to
We
narcotics enforcement, Superintendent Garry McCarthy of the Chicago
all the drug
Police Department shares this story from his time with the New York Police
dealers that we want,
Department•.
and we can seize
all the product that
One day, we were told we were going to flood Washington Heights, And I went back
to the chief and asked, "What'sourgoal In crushing Washington Heights? What ifwe
We want, and there's
actually do impact the narcotics trade in Washington Heights? What are the likely
always going to be
outcomes? firstof all, we could displace itto other communities, which we don't
another drug dealer.
want to do. Second of all, ifwe actually impact the supply of narcotics in NewYork
City, what happens when supply is low and demand stays the same ?The price goes
There's always going
up? So, if the price of narcotics goes up, doesn't that mean were going to increase
to be more product.
competition between the narcotics dealers, which is probably going to mean more
violence? And if the price of bag of dope goes up, doesn't that mean that the guy
—Garry McCarthy
who commits burglaries to fuel his habit has to commit more burglaries and steal
more property to buy his drugs ?"
And the chief looked at me and said, "What, you want to legalize drugs ?" My answer
was of course "no," but also thatwe should figure out exactly what it is we want to do.
[If] we want to increase quality of life and reduce crime, [hlow do we do it? We
don't do it by locking up narcotics dealers and seizing product, which has been
the way we've been attacking in the war on drugs, What's the result of that? Mass
incarceration. Were locking up a lot of people and doing nothing about the narcotics
problem. Law enforcement will never solve the narcotics problem in this country
because the narcotics problem is a criminalized social problem. We can arrest all the
drug dealers that we want, and we can seize al I the product that we want, and theres
always going to be another drug dealer. There's always going to he more product.
So; what is it that we need to do? We need to focus on eliminating narcotics markets
at specific locations, so we can do our lob as municipal policemen, which is to
improve quality of life and reduce crime at those locations.
This story reveals the problems with traditional narcotics enforcement on
multiple levels. First, it gets at the point that this type of strategy, though
it play end with the chief of police and the district attorney holding a press
conference in front of a table filled with seized drug product, does not
address long -term solutions or root causes through real, sustained problem -
solving. Second, it acknowledges that the police, too, are dissatisfied with
traditional styles of enforcement and often hold the perception that these
efforts are, in the end, ineffective and unsustainable.
12 _3b
Racial Reconciliation, Truth Telling, and Police
On the one hand, the success of "flooding Washington Heights" could be measured easily and
tangibly by the number of arrests made or kilos of narcotics seized. On the other, the same action
could be treasured much less favorably and concretely by the amount of (1) frustration felt by
police who recognize the futility of this type of operation and (2) anger created in the cotmnunity
who come to view the police as an occupying force.
Moreover, the long -term ineffectiveness of chasing the elusive "Kilo Fairy," to use a policing
colloquialism, can be directly assessed by measuring levels of continued overt drug sales, drug use,
violence, and disorder in these communities. The traditional narcotics enforcement techniques
that have marked the era of the war on drugs have contributed to increased incarceration rates in
this country, and with that comes the unintended harm of decreased trust in those communities
most likely to suffer from the effects of enforcement -heavy policing (Bobo and Thomson 2006).
Professor Kennedy summarizes the damage this situation creates by acknowledging:
We all know —we don't like it —but we all know what goes on in policing in these [poor, urban]
neighborhoods. Lines get crossed; people get stopped and searched without legal justification. It
happens everywhere. It Is the nature of drug enforcement, especially in these places. Police do bad
things forwhat they believe to be the right reasons.
He continues by putting arrest and incarceration into the context of a continuing narrative of
state- sanctioned oppression:
So the conspiracy theory goes, "this is what the outside, what the white folks, what the cops are doing
to us because we finally got rid of formal legal oppression and they needed something to do to us. So
now, ratherthan Jim Crow, we've got everybody locked up ."Let me sum this up in a statement that one
of my friends made recently: "If you want to destroy a civilization, lock it up"
Many participants front the January 2012 meeting In Washington, D.C. referenced Michelle
Alexander's recent book, Tyie Neto jim Crow, as a sway of understanding how mass incarceration
could be and often is interpreted as another iteration of institutionalized racism in a long history
of policies that have encoded disparities into law.
13 — 3/
Racial Reconciliation, Truth Telling, and Police
olive do bad Promoting racial reconciliation through
Pthings for what
accountability
they believe to be the Both the Obama Administration and the current "drug cLar "— Director
Gil Kerlikowske of the Office of National Drug Control Policy —have
right reasons. Gil
their desire to move away from the term "War on Drugs" (Office
— DauidKennedy of National Drug Control Policy 2011). In many cases, however, changes
to local policy still need time to catch up with changes in federal rhetoric.
For local law enforcement, as well as local government, this may require
establishing different accountability structures to measure success in fighting
crime.
While police chiefs at the January 2012 executive session came to the
consensus that the profession must move away from enforcement -heavy
tactics, actually operationalizing that goal remains a challenge. Glenn
Martin, director of the David Rothenberg Center for Public Policy at the
Fortune Society, described this problem:
As a person who grew up in one of those [predominately African- American]
communities, as a person who has been locked up many times, I really do feel that
law enforcement Is structured in such way where you advance based on making a
large number of arrests —very significant and high profile arrests. Is that really not
true ?That Is something the community believes and something I still believe as a
person who has been doing this work for a very long time now. I work for an agency
large enough to know that you watch what you care about; you measure what you
care about. People who work for you respond to that. So, untilwe re- incentivize what
it means to be a good law enforcement officer, its going to be hard to make this
entire shift that were talking about.
Jim Fealy, chief of the High Point (North Carolina) Police Department,
confirmed that a counterproductive accountability system still exists in
law enforcement: "Yost see it in many, many ways, including promotions
based on activity and the annual reports that chiefs of police submit to city
councils and mayors, touting the number of arrests they've made, even if the
crime rate continues to climb; those are pretty powerful indicators of arrest
being an overused tool." CompStat, he argues, unintentionally drives an
arrest- and numbers- focused enforcement strategy.
Many jurisdictions, therefore, may need to modify their CompStat
implementations to ensure their incentive and accountability mechanisms
can produce results that both reduce crime and promote police legitimacy
in coni n unties of color.
14 .7C2_
Racial Reconciliation, Truth-Telling, and Police Legitimacy
Legality versus legitimacy
One shortcoming of CompStat, as well as many other accountability mechanisms within police
departments, is that they fail to recognize the differences between police actions and policies that
are legal f rm those that are legitimate. Professor Meares from Yale University underlines the
difference as such:
Legitimacy is not necessarily the same as legality; police behaviorcan be lawful without being legitimate.
The kind of things that people key in on when concluding that pollee conduct is legitimate often is not
captured by the law. Think about the Fourth Amendment, for example, which specifies that, in order
for a police officer to stop someone, he or she has to have a reasonable suspicion that the person they
are stopping has committed a crime or is about to commit a crime. I(there is no reasonable suspicion,
then a police officer is not legally authorized to stop that person. Now, theres nothing [in] the Fourth
Amendment that says an officer should introduce himself or herself when [stopping] the person that he
[or she] reasonably suspects. There is nothing [in] the Fourth Amendment thatspecifies that the officer
give that person an opportunity to say what he or she is doing out there on the corner or an the median
of a street in Harlem. There's nothing [In] the Fourth Amendment that requires a police officer to treat
the person stopped with dignity, respect, and politeness. But it turns out that those are the things that
people pay a lot of attention to when concluding whether a particular order or request by a police officer
is legitimate. And that's true whether or not the cop's action in the first place was lawful.
At the January 2012 executive session, the police chiefs and researchers present most often turned
to the "stop-and-frisk" policy as a real -world policing example that illustrates the distinction
between legality and legitimacy. Assuming, for the moment, that every citizen stop under a stop -
and- frisk policy is legal, police departments must carefully weigh the costs and benefits of such
a policy's cumulative effects in terms of crime reduction; community trust, and the legitimacy
of the criminal justice system. To put this in Chicago PD Superintendent McCarthy's terms, "if
we're frisking the five kids who stopped to get a soda after playing basketbah and happen to be
standing on the corner, versus the five kids who are always standing on the corner, the view that
is taken towards what ... were doing is going to be based on that community narrative that goes
back 200, 300 years in this country."
However, the debate around stop - and -frisk policies and disproportionate minority contact is
complicated and requires a nuanced understanding of data. A RAND study, funded by the
NYC Police Foundation, found that "Black suspects ... were stopped substantially less than
would be expected, 20 to 30 percent less than their representation in crime - suspect descriptions"
(Ridgeway 2007, 43). Conversely, by using arrest data instead of crime - suspect descriptions,
another study from the same year concluded that, "compared with the number of arrests of each
group in the previous year (used as a proxy for the rate of criminal behavior), Blacks were stopped
23 percent more often than Whites" (Gelman, Fagan, and IQss 2007, 82).
151
1 3
Racial Reconciliation, Truth-Telling, and Police Legitim
One could make arguments about the underlying cause of these discrepant conclusions.15
Regardless of whether stop and frisk results in disproportionate contact, the perception among
black communities that it is a racist policy still remains. A young, African- American student
from New York City describes his personal —and paradigmatic —view of stop and frisk in the
following way:
In half the stops, police cite the vague "furtive movements "as the reason for the stop. Maybe black and
brown people just look more furtive, whateverthat means.... The police use the excuse that they're
fighting crime to continue the practice, but no one has ever actually proved that it reduces crime or
makes the city safer. Those of us who live in the nelghborhoods where stop and frisks are a basic fact of
daily life don't feel saferasa result. (Pearl 2011)
For Professor Meares, "looking at the constitutionality of police stop and frisks is not enough." In
other words, debating ad infinitum whether each stop is technically legal, or whether the policy is
fair and equitable, or even whether it is an effective crime control measure, obscures the fact that
stop and frisk as a whole adversely affects police legitimacy. Furthermore, police legitimacy is not
only an ideal, an end for which the profession should strive; rather, it is also operationally and
functionally important, a key factor in determining both public cooperation with the police and
a citizen's willingness to obey the law (Tyler 2004).
Apologies, acknowledgements, and truth - telling
Controversial strategies like stop mud frisk, high - profile incidents like die Henry Louis Gates
arrest, and officer - involved shootings like the Oscar Grant case shape the reputation of police
agencies far beyond the jurisdictional boundaries of the New York, Cambridge, or BART Police
Departments. Most recently, the Trayvon Martin shooting demonstrates just how quickly the
decisions of police and prosecutors in a small town like Sanford, Florida, can become an intense
flashpoint for debate over the fairness of the criminal justice system at largess
Lt an age of increased and rapid media scrutiny, no issue or controversy remains local. Yet
decisions that result in incremental but fundamental changes in race relations, trust in the police,
and community safety are most often going to happen at the local decision - making level. For the
police chiefs present at the January 2012 executive session, these decisions often started with an
acknowledgement of the long and vexed history between the police and communities of color.
15. One could speculate, for example, that using crime- suspect descriptions, rather than arrest data, as a proxy for
criminality might explain the different conclusions found by the two studies.
16. This incident has also re- raised issues of racial profiling based on appearance and dress, as evidenced by the °Million
Hoodie March "that was organized through social networks in response to the shooting (See Crimesider Staff. "Million
Hoodie March'held in NYC in Memory ofTrayvon Martin' "2012. CBS News, March 22, www.cbsfiews.com /8301- 504083_162-
57402318- 504083 /million- hoodle- march- held- in- nyc -in- memory of- trayvon martin).
16 —3Z/ —
Racial Reconciliation, Truth Telling, and Police Legitimacy
This acknowledgement can take many forms. Chief Fealy —a white police chief in the mid-
sized, southern city of High Point, North Carolina —took what many of his fellow police
executives considered a risky move: he issued a public apology to the black community for
historical wrongs perpetrated by the police. While admitting that not every chief can or would
be able to do the same, Chief Fealy explains:
I've talked to a lot of chiefs across America who are all very reluctant to make the apology, and you
don't have to. I don't think that you have to apologize for doing yourjob. I do, however, have no problem
saying, especially to these troubled communities of color, that we have let them down. My apology did
not really offend the working cops in our organization because they agreed with me. Whatever we have
been doing has not been satisfying orsatisfactory, and the fact that it's ruining what little relationship
we have with that segment of the community made them more than willing to try something different.
I can very sincerely apologize for some of the past because I was a part of it. I can apologize for having
policed Ina callous manner; I can apologize for us not policing smarter and relying only on the tactics
and tools that were so easy; I can apologize for not looking for something better. But I think every
community has to address it a little bit differently; every chief has to craft their own message, and they
have to be sincere and comfortable with it.
Admittedly, an apology may not be appropriate in every community and in all circumstances,
and entering into a frank discussion of race and policing does not necessarily require one. East
Palo Alto Police Chief Davis, for example, draws a critical distinction between acknowledging
the historical wrongdoings of the police and apologizing for current police practices that may
contribute to disparate incarceration rates for young men of color. He explains:
I don't know if I personally would embrace the phrase of "apologizing for the past' "I know what is
meant bythat, but for me its more of an acknowledgement of the past.I can apologize for the current
because that's what I have control over; to say that I can apologize for the past is to suggest that I
have power that I don't have. But acknowledging that history and understanding that it now drives
my agenda and influences the decisions that my organization makes today is verycritical. We have to
understand why there is this mistrust and give validity to the concerns that many In the community
may have.
Whether an acknowledgement or apology, such a gesture can open the door to working with
the community to use evidence -based strategies that avoid negative outcomes for poor, minority
communities.
Furthermore, internal messaging is just as critical to secure support from the police department's
rank and file. Superintendent McCarthy offers an example of how he gained acceptance for these
ideas within his own organization in Chicago: "What I've said is, 'Look, this is the history, and
these are the conclusions that are drawn by the community based on that history. Whether you
agree with it or not, whether it's right or wrong, factual or not factual, you have to recognize that
this is the opinion from which people draw their conclusions. "'
17 —55—
Racial Reconciliation, Truth Telling, and Police Legitimacy
"Earning a moment of pause"
Repairing relationships may start organizationally with the chief, but the legitimacy of the
department fundamentally depends on how police officers treat people on the street. As
Professor Meares of Yale University explains, every police - citizen interaction matters, especially
in the aggregate: "Every opportunity that an officer has to speak to someone becomes a teachable
moment. When you think about each positive incident, you are building a savings account for
yourself. But the flipside of course is when you have negative incidents. Those are things that
draw down your account quickly," A department that has worked toward racial reconciliation
and strived to achieve legitimacy in the eyes of the community, it serves begins with a larger
account of goodwill, in the event that a racially charged incident occurs.
Reverend Ed Copeland, a minister who has worked closely with the Rockford (Illinois) Police
Deparunenes Drug Market Intervention, explains just how this "savings account "works in a real -
life situation by sharing how the police chief, Chet Epperson, originally approached him:
The chief came to me and said, "At some point in my tenure, something major is going to happen, and
you're going to have to trust me that I'm going to do the right thing. I don't know when it's going to
happen, but I want to build relationships now. "Well, two years ago, an unarmed African- American
male was shot in the back three times by police officers in the basement of a church, In front of daycare
children. That's kind of major. But the day it happened, [Chief Epperson] came to the church where it
happened and was able to talk with that pastor who said, "You know what, Chief, I trust you. These cops
who did it have to go, but we trustyou, and were going to wait and see what the process is, and were
going to give you time to work that process"
Proactive relationship building affords a police department, not a "free pass," but what East
Palo Alto Police Chief Davis calls "a moment of pause," the period just after a high - profile,
emotionally charged incident when the chief has time to "pick up the phone and call community
leaders to the table." He further explains that,
when emotions in the community are so heated against a particular police action, if you haven't earned
the trust and confidence of the community, that's when incidents can ignite into civil unrest. But if you
work on those relationships in advance, you earn thetime and space either to acknowledge that you
were wrong or explain what happened if you were not —and know that people are going to give you a
fairshot.
Earning this "moment of pause" is not the only advantage gained from engaging in the process
of racial reconciliation and police legitimacy, and doing this work is more than just a community
relations add -on, outside the scope of core police work. Actively and sincerely.tackling
(admittedly sensitive) issues of race and policing is critical across all levels — strategic, operational,
and tactical. Though not easy, it ultimately produces results: a safer community not only for
citizens but also for the cops sworn to protect them.
Racial Reconciliation,Truth- Telling, and Police Legitimacy
Racial reconciliation and
community violence prevention
The point of offering an apology or aclmowledgement
of the past is not only to admit that "law enforcement
had a role in this history" but also, and more
importantly, to affirm that "we also have a role in
the solution," says Director Melekian. The end goal
of racial reconciliation is to enter a process that will
yield tangible benefits: reducingviolence and mass
incarceration in the long term and, thus, making
policing easier and more productive.
Michael McBride, a Bay Area, California, pastor
affiliated with the PICO National Nervorlc of faith -
based organizations, acknowledges that, just like the
average patrol officer, the average community organizer
understands that "whatever we're doing is not getting
us the result that we want. That realization is a doorway
... for people who are solution- oriented."
While this publication has discussed the role of the
police in addressing the issues of race and public safety,
the communities in question also must acknowledge
that they too could be embracing a different and
better approach to reducing violence. An admission,
such as "we have not been enforcing right and wrong
within our own conunumities, can be enough to begin
productive conversations with law enforcement, which
already knows it cannot solve these problems alone.
Such an admission also signals to police, who often
feel accused of being unilaterally culpable for sustained
levels of violence and mass incarceration, that the
community is willing to concede its own past mistakes,
move forward, and work collaboratively.
If you haven't
earned the trust
and confidence of
the community, that's
when incidents can
ignite into civil unrest.
But if you work on
those relationships in
advance, , .people are
going to give you a
fair shot.
19 _37-
— Ronald Davit
Racial Reconciliation, Truth-Telling, and Police
The point is not to say that blame must be shared equally, or even that assigning blame or guilt is
a goal. Rather, the ultimate objective of entering into the process of racial reconciliation is to be
able to shift the burden of public safety off the shoulders of law enforcement alone and share that
responsibility with internal community norms, which may have always been present but not fully
articulated. Both the police and the community are obligated, as Pastor McBride explains,
to hit the reset button around the singularly most important issue in our communities, and that's the
killing of ouryoung people. If we can just enter into that space together, then it allows us to have
a different kind of conversation, and our history— though present with us In the room —does not
become the thing that dictates how we move forward together.
Furthermore, just as the police chiefs highlighted in this publication have put their own
reputations at stake and risked criticism from both their peers and rank and file, so too must law
enforcement recognize that community leaders who engage with the police around these issues
are expending a significant amount of social capital to do so. Neither the responsibilities nor the
risks are borne by one side alone.
All of the police chiefs, faith -based leaders, academics, and policymakers present for this
discussion on racial reconciliation and police legitimacy have been intimately involved with
one possible solution to addressing systemic violence. The Boston Ceasefire" Group Violence
Reduction Strategy and "High Point" Drug Market Intervention models offer concrete strategies
For eliminating gang- and drug market- related violence. Tn cities across the country, these models
have helped communities transform themselves from within, an achievement only attainable
through sustained public cooperation with the police. No external force of will, expressed
primarily through police enforcement actions, is able to address the systemic root causes of
violence, one of which is the cyclical and destructive disconnect between the police and the
minority communities they serve;
This summary is intended to give police executives the chance to hear from their own colleagues
why engaging in the process of racial reconciliation is not only morally but also functionally
and operationally critical. The concepts of police legitimacy, legal cynicism, and informal social
control briefly introduced here provide the theoretical underpinning that helps to explain, in
practical terms, how police who actively and sincerely engage with their communities of color
will find they can do their job better and more effectively. Citizens are more likely to obey the
law, cooperate with the police, believe in the legitimacy of the formal justice system, and set
internal community norms that reinforce lawful behavior. This collectively results in achieving
the primary goals of municipal police: reducing violence, decreasing fear of crime, and increasing
quality of life.
20 -38' �
Racial Reconciliation, Truth-Telling, and Police
Enforcement actions will always have a place, a
necessary place, in upholding the law and securing
public safety through fair and equitable practices. At
the same time, the entire criminal justice system is
undergoing a fundamental shift in response to how the
public views traditional law enforcement strategies.'ro
quote East Palo Alto Police Chief Davis, "You have to
be a chief that believes in redemption. You have to give
people second chances. Incarceration is a last resort
tool, not a major strategy."
A historical opportunity now stands before the policing
profession, one in which law enforcement can reassert
its place as the first -line defender of the citizen's right
to equal protection under the law. To be sure, racial
divisions extend far beyond the issues of policing and
minority communities; but the police are uniquely
positioned to take this first step toward healing,
forgiveness, and reconciliation.
21 q
You have to give
people second
chances. Incarceration
is a last resort tool, not
a major strategy.
— Ronald Davis
Racial Reconciliation, Truth Telling, and Police
Apollon, Dominque. 2011. "Don't Call Them `Post- Racial': Millennials'
Attitudes on Race, Racism, and Key Systems in our Society." New
York: Applied Research Center. Accessed April 18, 2012. http•/ /arc org/
mil lennials /report
Bobo, Lawrence D., and Victor Thomson. 2006. "Unfair by Design:
The War on Drugs, Race, and the Legitimacy of the Criminal Justice
System." SocialReseareh73 (2): 445 -472. Accessed April 18, 2012.
www.econ brown edu /fart /glean Loury /louryhornepaage /teachine/
Ec %20222 /Bobo Thompson 2006.pdf
Braga, Anthony A., and David L. Weisburd. 2011. "The Effects of Focused
Deterrence Strategies on Crime: A Systematic Review and Meta - Analysis
of the Empirical Evidence." journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency
(September): 1 -32. Accessed April 18, 2012. http• / /irc saegpub com/
content /early /2011/09/08/0022427811419368 full Rdf.
Gelman, Andrew, Jeffrey Fagan, and Alex Kiss. 2007. An Analysis of the
New York City Police Department's 'Stop- and - Frisk' Policy in the
Context of Claims of Racial Bias." journal oftheAn:erican Statistical
Association 102 (479). Accessed April 18, 2012. www.stat.columbia.
edu/-gelinan/research/t)ublished/fi-isk9.i)df
Kennedy, David. 2009. "Drugs, Race, and Common Ground: Reflections
on the High Point Intervention." Nljjournal262 (Mach): 12 -17.
Accessed April 18, 2012. wv✓ wncir &aoy/pdffilesl /nij /225758.pdf.
Kirk, David S., and Mauri Matsuda. 2011. "Legal Cynicism, Collective
Efficacy, and the Ecology of Arrest." Criminology 49 (2): 443 -472.
Lemaitre, Rafael. 2011.,,'AAhernatives to the 'War on Drugs:' Obama Drug
Policy and Reforming the Criminal Justice System." Office of National
Drug Control Policy, November 21. Accessed April 18, 2012.
wevtvwhitehouse.eov /bloe /2011 / 11 /21 /alternatives- war- drues- obama-
drtte- policv- and- reformi ne- criminal -i ustice- system.
Mitchell, Ojmarrh, and Michael J. Lynch. 2011. "Criminal Justice, Race,
and the War on Drugs." In Disproportionate Minority Contact: Current
Issues and Policies, edited by Nicolle Parsons - Pollard, 139 -155. Durham:
Carolina Academic Press.
23 r!
Racial Reconciliation, Truth-Telling, and Police Legi
Peart, Nicholas K. 2011. "Why is the N.Y.P.D. After Me ?" The New
York Times, December 27. Accessed April 18, 2012. www.n3times.
com /2011 / 12/ 18 /opinion /sunday /young - black- and - frisked d- byTthe-
nypd html ?pagewanm all.
Pew Research Center. 2010. "Millennials —A Portrait of Generation Next:
Confident. Connected. Open to Change." Washington, D.C.: Pew
Research Center. Accessed April 18, 2012. http1 /oewsocialtrends.ora/
files /2010 /10 /millennials confident- connected - open- to- change.udf.
Reaves, Brian A. 2010. "Local Police Departments, 2007." Washington,
D.C.: Bureau of Justice Statistics. Accessed April 18, 2012. www.bis eov/
content /pub /adf /1nd07 ndf.
Ridgeway, Greg. 2007. "Analysis of Racial Disparities in the New York Police
Department's Stop, Question, and Frisk Practices." Santa Monica, CA:
RAND Corporation. Accessed April 18, 2011. WWWrand.org/pubs /
technical reports /2007 /RAND TR 34. t f.
Rose, Dina R., and Todd R. Clear. 1998. "Incarceration, Social Capital, and
Crime: Implications for Social Disorganization Theory." Criminology 36
(3): 441- 479.
Sampson, Robert J. 1986. "Crime in Cities: The Effects of Formal and
Informal Social Control." Crime and justice 8:271 -311. Accessed
April 18, 2012. wwwwih harvard edu /soc /faculty /sampson/
articles /1986 C &T ndf
Sampson, Robert J., and Dawn Jeglum Bartusch. 1998. "Legal Cynicism and
(Subcultural ?) Tolerance of Deviance: The Neighborhood Context of
Racial Differences." Low and Society Review 32 (4): 777 -804.
Sampson, Robert J., and John L. Laub. 1990. "Crime and Deviance over the
Life Course: The Salience of Adult Social Bonds." American Sociological
Review 55 (5): 609 -627.
Travis, Jeremy. 1999. "Attitudes Toward Crime, Police, and the Law:
Individual and Neighborhood Differences." National Institute offitstice
Research Preview Oune): 1 -2. Accessed April 18, 2012.
Nvww.ncirs.gov/pdffilesI/fs000240.p(If.
Tyler, Tom R, 2004. "Enhancing Police Legitimacy." The Annals ofthe
America: Academy of Political and Social Science 593(84): 84-99.
Racial Reconciliation, Truth-Telling, and Police Legitimacy
Appendix: January 2012 Executive Session Participants
Executive Session on Racial Reconciliation and Police Legitimacy
January 11, 2012 1 Washington, D.C.
Art Acevedo
Chief of Police
Austin (Texas) Police Department
Anthony Batts
Former Chief of Police
Oakland (California) Police Department
Keri Blackwell
Deputy Director of Programs
LISC Chicago
Theron Bowman
Chief of Police
Arlington (Virginia) Police Department
Jeffrey L. Brown
Reverend /Executive Director
Boston TenPoint Coalition
K. Edward Copeland
Reverend
New Zion Baptist Church
Rockford, Illinois
Vaughn Crandall
Deputy Director
Center for Crime Prevention and Control
John Jay College of Criminal Justice
Ronald Davis
Chief of Police
East Palo Alto (California) Police Department
25
Barbara Duncan
Chief of Police
Salisbury (Maryland) Police Department
Joshua Ederheimer
Principal Deputy Director
Office of Community Oriented Policing Services
Dean Esserman
Chief of Police
New Haven (Connecticut) Police Department
Jim Fealy
Chief of Police
High Point (North Carolina) Police Department
Craig Howard
Director of Community and Economic
Development
John D. & Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation
Daniel Isorn
Chief of Police
St. Louis (Missouri) Police Department
Howard Jordan
Chief of Police
Oakland (California) Police Department
David Kennedy
Director
Center for Crime Prevention and Control
John Jay College of Criminal Justice
Racial Reconciliation, Truth - Telling, and Police Legitimacy
Christopher Mallette
Executive Director of the Chicago Violence
Reduction Strategy
Center for Crime Prevention and Control
John Jay College of Criminal Justice
Glenn Martin
Vice President of Development and Public Affairs
The Fortune Society
Curtis May
Reverend /Director
Office of Reconciliation Ministries
Michael McBride
Reverend /Executive Director
Berkeley Organizing Congregations for Action
Garry McCarthy
Superintendent
Chicago (Illinois) Police Department
Jim McDonnell
Chief of Police
Long Beach (California) Police Department
Tracey Meares
Walton Hale Hamilton Professor of Law
Yale Law School
Bernard Meleldan
Director
Office of Community Oriented Policing Services
Risen Mention -Lewis
Assistant District Attorney
Chief of Youth Development and Redirection Unit
Nassau County (New York) District Attorney's
Office
Becky Monroe
Acting Director
Community Relations Services
U.S. Department of Justice
Brian Murphy
Chief of Police
Bureau of Organizational Development
Chicago (Illinois) Police Department
files Ship
President
National Organization of Black Law Enforcement
Executives
Sean Smoot
Treasurer
National Association of Police Organization
Marty Stunner
Deputy Chief
High Point Police Department
George Turner
Chief of Police
Atlanta (Georgia) Police Department
Tom Tyler
Professor
New York University
Christopher Watler
Project Director
Harlem Community Justice Center
Noble Wray
Chief of Police
Madison (Wisconsin) Police Department
26 1 T�Z
Discussion Questions
Written to encourage thoughtful discussion, Racial Reconciliation, Truth- Telling, and
Police Legitimacy can help law enforcement leaders engage with their peers, officers,
and community members on what can be a sensitive and difficult topic. Framing a
balanced, contextual, and nuanced understanding of why racial tensions persist between
the police and certain communities of color is no easy task. The following questions
can help readers enter into a frank and honest dialogue, one that can open the door to
reconciliation between two groups who ultimately want to achieve the sane goal —to
eliminate violence and improve quality of life for citizens living ht troubled, crime-
affected neighborhoods:
• What is the difference between "legitimacy" and `legality, and why does this
distinction matter when considering what police actions to deploy in disadvantaged,
minority communities?
Research has suggested that members of minority communities with high rates of
crime and incarceration are actually less tolerant of deviant behavior than people
from more affluent neighborhoods. How does "apathy' differ from "legal cynicisie'?
How can understanding the latter concept explain resistance to or reluctance toward
cooperating with the police?
The police often feel demonized in discussions of race, but they too are often
operating in an environment of competing local and political pressures. What are the
constraints that law enforcement itself faces (from die community, elected officials,
municipal government, etc.) when trying simultaneously to address crime problems
and produce good outcomes for communities of color with high levels of violence?
As discussed in this publication, two competing narratives are told on the street
versus in the stationhouse. These narratives perpetuate false and mutually exclusive
views of both the police and disadvantaged communities of color. What are these
narratives? Wlry are they false and yet seemingly plausible when viewed from a
certain context? How do they self - perpetuate? What can be done to correct them?
�15 -
Racial Reconciliation, Truth - Telling, and Police Legitimacy discusses issues raised at the executive session
hosted by the COPS Office and the National Network for Safe Communities in Washington, D.C. on January 11,
2012. This publication gives police executives the chance to hear from their own colleagues why engaging in the
process of racial reconciliation is riot only morally but also functionally and operationally critical. The concepts of
police legitimacy, legal cynicism, and informal social control introduced here provide the theoretical underpinning
that helps to explain in practical terms how police who actively and sincerely engage with their communities of
color will Find they can do their job better and more effectively. Citizens are more likely to obey the law, cooperate
with the police, believe in the legitimacy of the formal justice system, and set internal community norms that
reinforce lawful behavior.This collectively results in achieving the primary goals of law enforcement: reducing
violence, decreasing fear of crime, and increasing quality of life.
Job COPS
U.S. Department of Justice
Office of Community Oriented Policing Services
145 N Street, N.E.
Washington, DC 20530
To obtain details on COPS Office programs,
call the COPS Office Response Center at 800.421.6770.
Visit COPS Online at www.cops.usdoj.gov.
August2012
ISBN: 978 -1- 932582 -38-3
041218465
PROPOSED LIST OF RECOMMENDATIONS
10 -18 -12
Police Citizens Review Board Education
Process
Procedure
Authority /power
Police Civil Service Recruitment Education
State & federal regulations
Barriers to testing
4G 7