HomeMy WebLinkAbout2020-10-20 CorrespondenceItem Number: 8.a.
CITY OIF IOWA CITY
www.icgov.org
October 20, 2020
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Kevin Boyd, Historic Preservation Commission Chair - Historic Preservation
October 7, 2020
Mayor and City Council Members,
Too often when we get an opportunity to talk about historic preservation, it's in the context of a
specific action on a council agenda. We don't get an opportunity to talk about the broad
principles of preservation and how preservation is a tool in a city government's arsenal to
achieve shared goals for a community. I thought the following document provided some
opportunities to consider historic preservation with a wider lens than the issues that often end
up for you to decide.
The document highlights some of the benefits of Historic Preservation. Some are more relevant
to Iowa City than others, but several tie directly to the Seven Priorities you have set in the
Strategic Plan. Other cities have successfully used preservation as a tool to achieve goals
aligned with those priorities. And collectively the document provides a wider lens into historic
preservation work
Some of the work of the Historic Preservation Commission is required - we need to address
applications as they are submitted. As the commission thinks more broadly about its work
outside the required work, we have tried to align our work with the seven priorities you all have
set. This document highlights how our commision and historic preservation work can help
achieve those priorities.
Always happy to discuss this document, historic preservation, or the work of the commission
with you.
Thank you,
Kevin Boyd
Chair, Historic Preservation Commission
kevinmboyd@gmail.com F1
OCT 0 7 2010
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
F F-7 D
OCT 0 7 2020
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I INTRODUCTION
2 TWENTY REASONS HISTORIC PRESERVATION IS GOOD FOR YOUR COMMUNITY
28 FOUR ADDITIONAL REASONS (FDR GOOD MEASURE)
29 COVERAGE OF THE CITY -
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30 APPROVAL RATES
31 CON' iL-US10N - y
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I1 SOURCES
22 ACKNOWL FUMT15,
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Saratoga Springs, NY
Cover Photo: Dine in the Pines, Courtesy of Ruston Main Street
Historic preservation is good for cities .... no, not just
good, historic preservation is great for cities. The
reasons preservation is great for cities are multiple
— aesthetic, symbolic, cultural, social, educational,
economic, and others. In recent years these values have
been well articulated, notably by Tom Mayes in Why Old
Places Matter, Stephanie Meeks in The Past and Future
City: How Historic Preservation is Reviving America's
Communities Historic Preservation and the Livable City
by Eric W. Allison and Lauren Peters; The Future of the
Past: A Conservation Ethic for Architecture, Urbanism,
and Historic Preservation by Steven W. Semes; several
books by Roberta Gratz, and others. Each makes
a convincing case for the importance of historic
preservation in American cities.
But in spite of the strength of their arguments, historic
preservation is under attack in many places in the
United States. Sometimes those attacks are made by
well-meaning community activists, usually arguing
with the vignette rather than substantive research, that
historic preservation is the cause of gentrification, high
rents, and is stopping needed densification.
In other instances, the attack is blatantly industry driven
— usually by advocacy groups for real estate developers
— who resent not being able to build their skyscrapers
wherever they damn well please. But instead of making
the candid admission that they just want to make
more money, their opposition to historic preservation
is couched in seemingly beneficent public policy goals
using spurious arguments such as "small business can't
afford to be in historic districts" or "historic preservation
is preventing affordable housing" or "we're losing
our competitive position to Singapore" or "if we can't
weaken historic preservation laws, we can't get the
density we need to grow."
The third prong of the attack comes from the
ideological right that argues any limitation on what
can be done with my property is unpatriotic, un-
American, unconstitutional, and an oppression of my
freedoms. These voices are periodically supported by
anti -regulatory think tanks such as the Charles Koch
Institute. Among the most recent of the latter is an essay
in Forbes entitled, "Historic Designations Are Ruining
Cities". That premise is not only wrong, but silly.
What these three groups have in common, besides
their antipathy toward historic preservation, is that their
evidence is scant to non-existent. At best their "proof"
is the anecdote from an isolated example; at worst it is
a blatant misrepresentation of reality.
At PlaceEconomics we acknowledge that the aesthetic,
symbolic, cultural, etc. values of historic preservation
are real, but are difficult if not impossible to quantify.
In the long run, those values are more important than
the values of historic preservation enumerated and
quantified below. But as the great British economist
John Maynard Keynes once wrote, "In the long run we
are all dead,"
We measure the contributions of historic preservation
that can be measured. Over the last five years
PlaceEconomics has done analyses of the impacts of
historic preservation in nearly a dozen cities of all sizes
throughout the United States. From that research
we've assembled the twenty-four reasons why historic
preservation is good for your city.
Fit, F.D
OCT 0 71010
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
-FOUR
REASONWHOMM0NOY LED
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Historic rehabilitation means jobs—generally well-paid
jobs, particularly for those without advanced formal
education. Rehabilitation tends to be more labor
intensive than new construction, so work restoring
historic buildings has a greaterjob creating impact per
dollar spent than new construction. In Savannah, for
example, one million dollars spent on the rehabilitation
of a Savannah historic building will generate about
1.2 more jobs and $62,000 more in income for
Georgia citizens than the same amount spent on new
construction.
In New York City, more than $800 million is invested
annually in New York's historic buildings, creating jobs
for 9,000 New Yorkers and providing paychecks of over
$500 million each year.
In Pittsburgh, just the projects using the federal historic
tax credit have added an average of 500 jobs and $18
million in salaries and wages every year for the past 35
years.
But jobs don't just come from historic rehabilitation
activities. Designated local historic districts are job
magnets. In Nashville, while only 3% of jobs are located
in historic districts, 11% of all job growth in the city has
gone to historic districts. The author of the "Historic
Designation is Ruining Cities" wrote, "Today, cities
that are thriving are those that offer people plentiful
dining, retail, and other entertainment options." In that
he is correct. In Nashville designated historic districts
also saw 24% of all job growth in accommodation and
food service jobs, playing a key role in the tourism
industry. In New York City, while 8% of all jobs are in
designated historic districts, 12.7%ofall food service and
accommodations jobs are there. As anyone in the food
service industry knows, success depends not just on the
qualityof the food, butthe atmosphere and characterof
the restaurant. That's why in Rhode Island, 14 of the 25
highest rated restaurants on Yelp are in historic districts.
In Raleigh 9 of the top 20 Yelp rated restaurants are in
historic districts. It's notjust that cities providing dining
are thriving, those restaurants are particularly thriving in
designated historic districts.
2
2. Downtown Revitalization
Thirty years ago, the conventional wisdom was that
downtowns had been replaced by shopping centers,
and if downtowns survived at all it would be exclusively
because local government and financial institutions
were located there. Of course, that was a prescription
for a nine to five, five day a week economic, social,
and cultural desert. Thankfully not everyone accepted
that premise. In large cities and small towns, the
most common and ultimately successful strategy was
to identify, protect, reuse, and enhance the historic
buildings that differentiated downtown from the mall.
For those places wise and farsighted enough to reinvest
and redevelop their historic structures rather than raze
them, the payoff is clear.
In Indianapolis, while about 11% of downtown is made
up of historic districts, they contribute a disproportionate
amount of income generation, containing nearly 39,000
jobs, 26% of all of the jobs downtown. In Nashville
commercial property values in downtown historic
districts increased in value by 425% between 2007 and
2017, compared to the rest of downtown at 236%. Two-
thirds of new businesses in downtown Raleigh chose
historic and other older buildings for their location. In
Saratoga Springs, New York, the downtown Broadway
Historic District is the cultural and economic hub of
Saratoga Springs where 22% of all jobs in the city are
located. In Tybee Island. Georgia (population 3,127) the
concentrated efforts towards the Main Street Corridor
commercial area creates a fertile environment for small
businesses. Nearly 250 net new jobs have been created
in the Tybee Island Main Street Corridor alone.
Main Street, is an economic revitalization program
based on utilizing each downtown's historic buildings.
There is no more cost-effective program of economic
development of any kind in the United States today.
Since 1980, Main Street districts in more than 2000
communities have seen cumulative investment of $79
billion, 285,000 buildings rehabilitated, more than
640,000 net new jobs, and nearly 144,000 net new
business. Manyof these are small towns in rural America.
This historic preservation -based program didn't ruin
those towns; in many cases it liIly�sav
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OCT 0 7 2020
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
3
3. Heritagd,"'"111
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TourismIowa City, lows
Often when "economics" and "historic preservation"
appear in the same sentence, the reaction is, "Oh, you
must mean heritage tourism" In fact, tourism is just
one economic contributor of historic preservation, but it
is an important one. Consistent findings in both the US
and internationally indicate that heritage visitors stay
longer, visit more places, and spend more per day than
do tourists with no interest in historic resources.
New York City's historic sites, places, and landmarks
are a major draw for visitors. For domestic tourists who
only come to the City for a day, nearly one-third (31.2%)
fall into the "heritage visitor" category. The share is
even larger for overnight visitors, with 4 in 10 putting a
high priority on visiting historic places. While New York's
tourism industry has a huge impact on the City's overall
economy, just the domestic heritage tourism component
represents direct spending of more than $8 billion each
year. Those expenditures mean jobs — nearly 135,000
jobs a year. Over 98,000 are jobs directly related to the
heritage tourism industry and an additional 36,000
indirect and induced jobs are generated by heritage
tourism. These heritage tourism jobs result in nearly $6
billion in direct wages to New York City residents and
$738 million in local tax revenue. Each heritage visitor in
New York City spends on average $83 more during the
trip than the non -heritage tourist.
In Pittsburgh 45.6% of overnight visitors and 44.8% of
day visitors fall within the definition of heritage tourist.
Tourism is a large and growing industry there, but just
the heritage portion of that industry is responsible
for nearly $812 million annually in expenditures in
the Pittsburgh area. What is particularly important
about these visitors is that they spend more each day
in Pittsburgh as compared to visitors with no interest
in historic resources. This difference is the heritage
premium. Pittsburgh sees nearly $64 million per year
in additional economic activity based on the additional
amount heritage visitors spend each day compared to
other tourists.
Just the heritage portion of Pittsburgh's tourism industry
is responsible for 12,300 direct jobs and an additional
4,500 indirect jobs. The salary and wages paid to
workers meeting the needs of Pittsburgh's heritage
visitors is $310 million per year with another $223 million
to indirect and induced jobs.
4
Nearly all expenditures of tourists fall into five
categories: lodging; food and beverage; local
transportation; retail purchases; and entertainment/
admissions/amusements. In San Antonio, not only do
heritage visitors spend more in total, they spend more
in each of the five areas than do tourists with no interest
in historic preservation. Those tourism expenditures
create both jobs and paychecks. Over 14,000 food and
beverage workers, nearly 12,000 retail employees, and
9,000 workers in hotels, motels, and B&Bs owe their
jobs to San Antonio's heritage visitors. Those food
and beverage workers take home over $400 million in
salary and wages, $350 million for those in retail, and an
additional $317 million in paychecks for hotel and motel
workers.
Travel experts understand the appeal of historic
preservation — and far beyond just the occasional
monument or mansion. The New York Times regularly
runs a feature named, "36 hours in..." When Raleigh,
North Carolina was covered 15 of the 22 recommended
businesses to visit were located in designated
historic districts. A similar article appeared in the
Washington Post entitled, "What to do in Indianapolis",
recommended sixteen places to go, eat, shop, stay, and
explore. Eleven of them were in designated historic
districts.
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HOW MANY LIVE MUSIC VENUES HAVE YOU VISITED ON THIS TRIP?
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OCT 07
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
LIVE MUSIC IS THE SINGLE MOST IMPORTANT REASON WE
DECIDED TO VISIT NASHVILLE
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4. Property Values
There is no area of preservation economic analysis
that has been done more often than measuring the
impact of local historic districts on property values.
Regardless of the researcher, the methodology, or the
location of the study, the results of these analyses have
been remarkable consistent: In nearly every instance
properties in local historic districts have greater rates
of appreciation than properties elsewhere in the same
city. Thirty years ago, opponents to the creation of a
local historic district usually claimed, "Historic districts
mean one more layer of regulation. More regulation
means, prima facie, lower property values" Of course,
study after study has demonstrated the opposite has
been true; the values of properties have significantly
benefited from local district designation. Today the
argument — often from the same people who opposed
districts early - is more likely to be, "Those damn historic
districts will mean my property value is going up, so I'll
have to pay more property taxes."
In Indianapolis, between 2002 and 2016, a single-
family house in a local historic district has on average
increased in value 7.3% each year, compared with just
under 3.5% for houses not in historic districts. This
market preference also extends to the amount of
activity. Historic districts, which only make up 5.5% of
properties in the city, represented nearly 20% of all sales
and almost 35% of the aggregate sale amount.
Between 2000 and 2008, single-family residential
properties in Raleigh increased in value 49% on a per
square foot basis. Over that same time period value
increases in three local historic districts increased in
value between 84% and 111%.
The square foot value for single family homes in
Pittsburgh not in historic district increased 45%
between 2001 and 2014. Every local historic district saw
a value increase greater than the average of the rest of
the city.
2
Saratoga Springs is fortunate to have a large inventory
VALUE PER SQUARE FOOT BY AGE IN SARATOGA SPRINGS
of older and historic houses, many of which are not
located in one of the local historic districts. Some buyers
$350
are specifically attracted to these older properties.
$300
Comparisons were made for both median and mean by
age, by style, by "typical house", by total value, by value
$250
per square foot, and by rate of change in value over
$200
time. In every instance, properties in designated local
$150
historic districts outperformed comparable properties
not within local districts.
$100
$50$0
It is true that higher values usually mean higher
property taxes. And for those with modest resources
or living on fixed incomes, that can create difficulties.
Pre 1900 1900-1925 1926-1950 1951-1915
Often led by preservation advocates, many cities have
adopted taxation policies that mitigate those problems.
0 Historic District ■ Not in Historic Districts
But the reality is this – rising property values resulting
in rising taxes may be a cash flow problem, but a wealth
enhancement.
PROPERTY VALUES BY STYLE (SARATOGA SPRINGS)
Around the United States, the effective property tax
$1,000,000
rate is typically between 1.5% and 2.5% of the value of
the property each year. Thus, a property worth $100,000
$800,000
would have annual taxes of between $1,500 and $2,500.
$600,000
For example purposes only, assume the market as a
whole goes up 3% per year while properties in the
$400,000
historic district go up 4% per year. Next year the non-
$200,000
historic house would have a value increase of $3,000 and
increased taxes of between $45 ($3,000 x 1.5%) and $75
$0
($3,000 x 2.5%) while the historic house would have a
value increase of $4,000 and increased taxes of between
Victorian
$60 ($4,000 x 1.5%) and $100 ($4,000 x 2.5%). So here is
a Historic District ■ Not in Historic District
the effect on the owner of the historic house — she had
to pay additional taxes of between $15 and $25 more
than her neighbor, the owner of the non -historic house.
But the value of her home increased $1,000 more than
MEDIAN VALUE BY CONDITION (SARATOGA SPRINGS)
did her neighbor. She would be hard pressed to find
any investment on Wall Street where an additional $15
$250
to $25 in outlay was rewarded with another $1,000 in
wealth.
$200
$150
That does not mean that rising property taxes which
cause financial difficulties for some owners should not $100
be addressed. But the short-term cash flow problem is $50
offset 40 to 67 times by the increased wealth.
$0
Excellent Good Normal
OCT 0 7 2020
■ Historic District ■ Not in Historic Districts
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
7
5. Foreclosure Patterns
December 2007 marked the beginning of what has
come to be known as the Great Recession. Hardest hit
in the recession was the real estate market. While the
recession was officially designated as having ended
in June, 2009, the real estate market in hundreds of
cities didn't recover until three or four years later. In a
few markets a decade after the real estate crash, values
have still not reached their pre -recession levels.
Economists argue over the causes of the recession,
but one thing is not in dispute – millions of Americans
lost virtually all of their assets through the foreclosure
of their homes. In the 10 years from the beginning of
the recession 7.8 million homes were foreclosed on,
and millions of additional families faced some type
of foreclosure action during that time. Although most
markets have recovered, the rate of home ownership in
the United States is still five percentage points below
its height of more than 69% reached in 2004. But even
at the city level, the rate of foreclosure varied greatly
from neighborhood to neighborhood. In more than 20
cities we've looked at, foreclosure rates in local historic
districts were decidedly lower than the rest of the city.
Between 2008 and 2012, the foreclosure actions
for single family homes in Indianapolis reached a
staggering 26 percent. But those with homes in local
historic and conservation districts—while also hit hard
by the recession—fared much better with just 6%
foreclosure rates.
Florida was especially hard hit in the real estate crash.
Every local historic district in Miami -Dade County had
a lower foreclosure rate than the 11.2% found in the rest
of the county.
In designated historic districts, the foreclosure rate was
less than a third of what was experienced in the rest of
Pittsburgh.
In San Antonio the rate of foreclosure of single-family
houses was less than the citywide average in 10 of the 13
residential historic districts.
For Raleigh single family houses not in historic districts,
for every 1000 houses, 100 faced foreclosure over the six-
year period, January of 2008 through December of 2013.
Local historic districts saw only 28.8 houses per thousand
foreclosed upon. Savannah had its share of foreclosures
with nearly one house in 8 facing foreclosure in the six-
year period between 2008 and 2014. But every historic
district in Savannah had lower rates of foreclosure than
did the city as a whole. In Nashville, 54 out of every
1000 houses faced a foreclosure action between 2007
and 2018. In Nashville's historically designated districts
the rate was less than half of that at 25.3 houses per
thousand. Further, 16% of the foreclosures in historic
districts were on new houses built as infill in the
neighborhood.
One might prematurely conclude, "well, those historic
neighborhoods area 11 rich, sothose peoplecouldweather
the recession." Simply not the case. In every one of those
cities – Indianapolis, Miami/Dade County, Pittsburgh,
San Antonio, Raleigh, Savannah, and Nashville – while
there are some wealthy historic neighborhoods, there
are also numerous neighborhoods that are the opposite
of wealthy. In nearly every one of the less prosperous
neighborhoods, the foreclosure rate was still less than
the rest of the city.
It isn't that people who live in historic districts never
get fired, or divorced, or run their credit card bills up
too high. Rather there is a latent demand for homes in
those neighborhoods even in market downturns. As a
result, homeowners who find themselves in financial
difficulties often find buyers for their homes before they
reach the point of foreclosure.
FORECLOSURE RATE (MIAMI-DADE COUNTY)
12% 11%
10%
8% 6%
6%
4%
2%
0%
Historic Districts Rest of County
FORECLOSURE RATE PER 1000 HOUSES IN
40
PITTSBURGH
30
7 2020
20
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10
■0
10y, Iowa
Local Historic
National Register Rest of Pittsburgh
Districts
Districts
8
6. Strength in Up and Down
Markets
Related to the foreclosure findings is the pattern of
value change in both up markets and down markets. As
a general pattern, homes in historic districts do better
when the market is moving up, fall later and less steeply
when markets decline, and begin their value recovery
sooner than other neighborhoods.
Between 2000 and 2008 – prior to the recession —
single-family residential properties in Raleigh increased
in value 49% on a per square foot basis. Over that
same time period value increases in three local historic
districts increased in value between 84% and 111 %. Then
the recession began and property sales declined both
in historic districts and the city as a whole between 2008
and 2009. But before the recession was declared over
the volume of property sales in historic districts began to
recover and continued through the end of 2013. Home
sales in the rest of the city continued to decline before
picking up once that national recession ended. By 2013
the number of sales transactions in historic districts
was nearly 10% above the 2008 level, sales in the rest of
Raleigh still lagged their 2008 numbers by 10%.
In 2012 the city as a whole recorded a 13% increase in the
number of home sales. Raleigh's local historic districts
saw a 68% increase in number of sales between 2011
and 2012.
Between 2007 1
construction
fell 30% • ' ! irecover
to pre -recession levels of
activity until 2012. Over that
same time, activity in historic
districts, while suffering
a minor one-year lir
maintained a "'`
pre -recession level off Wckkity.
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
An analysis of building permits in Nashville from 2006-
2011 shows that historic districts weathered the recession
well, accounting for 19% of all permit investment and
over 18% of all projects during the recession.
In up years in the real estate market, San Antonio's local
historic districts significantly outperformed the city as a
whole. When the recession hit, there was a minor decline
in historic district property values, but less severe than in
the rest of the city. Then when the recession was finally
over, recovery in the residential real estate sector began
first in San Antonio's historic neighborhoods. The 15 -
year period between 1998 and 2013 covered three real
estate cycles – rapid appreciation until 2007, real estate
crash, and then market recovery. By 2013 the average
square foot price of a single-family home outside of
San Antonio's historic districts was up about 68% from
its 1998 value. But San Antonio's historic districts homes
were up 139% over their 1998 values.
This pattern of resilience in real estate recessions isn't
limited to housing values or sales activity. Between 2007
and 2010, new construction in New York City fell 30%
and didn't recover to pre -recession levels of activity until
2012. This collapse in the building industry meant that
thousands of New York workers were suddenly without
jobs or paychecks. Overthat sametime, however, activity
in historic districts, while suffering a minor one-year
decline, maintained a pre -recession level of activity. For
rehabilitation work in historic districts, the decline began
later, was much less deep, and recovery began sooner
as compared to new construction in the City. If activity in
New York's historic districts had declined as much as did
new construction, more than 1,600 more New Yorkers
would have been on the unemployment line each year
between 2008 and 2012. The speculation inherent in
new construction left the industry vulnerable to boom
and bust, whereas reinvestment and rehabilitation of
older buildings acted as a stabilizing force during the
economic downturn.
Many cities today are developing "resiliency plans." But
resiliency isn't limited to recovery after natural disasters.
It is also necessary after financial crises. In city after city,
it has been the local historic districts that have been the
most resilient after a real estate crash.
0
7. Small Business
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OCT 0 7 1010
City Clerk
While it's the companies 89YR 0Vwn'q'JJ00 that get the
headlines in the Wall StreetJournal, itis small businesses
who are the backbone of the American economy. 96%
of all businesses employ fewer than 50 people; 89%
fewer than 20. These small businesses employ 23
million more workers than do firms of 500 with more
people on the payroll. Since the end of the recession,
those small businesses have added 30% more jobs
than have the big guys. Further, it is small businesses
that offer the greatest entrepreneurial opportunity to
women and minorities. So an economically dynamic
city should be particularly concerned about creating an
environment hospitable to small businesses. It is often
historic districts that are the location of choice for small
businesses.
Historic districts and buildings have a competitive
advantage. They contain attractive buildings, spaces,
and other attributes desirable to small businesses.
Small businesses don't just provide convenience and
local jobs; they are also the source of the commercial
vitality of a neighborhood. These businesses value the
unique character inherent in historic buildings and
often the competitive rents in older structures. While
historic districts account for 8% of all private jobs in
New York City, these neighborhoods are the place of
employment for nearly 10% of the City's jobs in small
firms.
In Saratoga Springs, historic districts house 31% of
all jobs at small firms (firms employing fewer than 20
people).
In Savannah, 30% of all jobs are in historic districts, but
nearly half (48%) of the businesses that employ fewer
than 20 people are located in these areas.
In San Antonio, while historic districts are home to only
4% of all jobs, fully 7% of small firm jobs have chosen to
locate there.
Recent analysis of Dun and Bradstreet data show that
while only 4.8% of the businesses in Manhattan are
owned by minorities or women, 7.2% of businesses
in historic districts meet that test. In fact, 12% of all
women -owned businesses and 8% of minority owned
businesses are located in historic districts.
Small businesses are important to a local economy,
and historic districts make a great location for a
disproportionate share of small businesses.
10
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8. Start ups and Young
Businesses
If small businesses are important, start-up and young
businesses (less than 3 years old) are even more so.
Almost all net new job creation comes from new
businesses. Where do those businesses choose to
locate? Often in local historic districts.
In Miami -Dade County 4.9% of all jobs are located
in historic districts but 5.2% of job growth occurred
in those areas. Just over 6% of jobs at start-up firms
are located in historic districts. That might not seem
significant, but more than one in four jobs at start-up
firms were created in historic districts.
In New York City, historic districts are home to 8% of
all private jobs, but 10.1% of jobs at start-up firms (in
business for less than one year) and 10.9% of all jobs in
young firms.
r--. 9 r. i ---
OCT 0 7 2020
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
Raleigh, North Carolina is an economically vibrant
and growing city. Of the new businesses in downtown
Raleigh 46% of them chose a designated historic
building to open their operation. Another 22% chose
older buildings thatwere notyet historically designated.
A business' location is more than an address. Particularly
new and small businesses want their physical location
to be a reflection of the quality and character of the
goods or services sold within. The quality and character
a historic building is an appropriate choice for these
entrepreneurs.
11
9. Jobs in Knowledge and FILED
(.0."reative � Class Sectors �a�,�'e��wr
Richard Florida may have overstated the case in The Rise
of the Creative Class but urbanists, economists, and
economic development experts note that the young,
well educated, talented workers are essential for a local
economyto grow and the cityto be vibrant. Sowhere are
those knowledge and creative class workers choosing to
live and work?
In New York City the three categories within which
creative workers are employed are disproportionately
represented in New York's historic districts. While 8%
of all jobs are in historic districts, more than 10% of
Professional, Scientific, and Technical Services jobs are
in historic districts and more than 13% of jobs in the
Information field. People can love or hate New York, but
no one can argue that it is not one of the most creative
cities in the world. And creatives gravitate toward
neighborhoods with character. More than 20% of jobs
in the Arts, Entertainment, and Recreation sector are
located in historic districts in New York City.
Pittsburgh has seen an in -migration ofyoung, educated
workers which bodes well for the future of Pittsburgh's
economic growth. But the location of the jobs held
by those workers is not random. Pittsburgh's historic
districts capture a disproportionate share. While around
19% of all workers in Pittsburgh hold a bachelors or
advanced degree, more than 35% of workers in historic
districts have reached that educational attainment.
While historic districts contain slightly more than 37%
of all jobs, those areas are home to 47% of the jobs in
finance and insurance, 58% ofthejobs in education and
44% of jobs in the information sector. These knowledge
worker jobs are the growth areas in the US economy
and are concentrated in historic districts in Pittsburgh.
In San Antonio, historic buildings and historic districts
have a long history of incubating the arts. Arts related
jobs in San Antonio are generally concentrated within
or clustered around historic districts. This is also true
of nonprofit organizations generally, 28% of which are
located in San Antonio historic districts. While historic
districts are home tojust 4% of all jobs, there is a greater
share of workers in arts and entertainment; information
services; education; and professional, scientific, and
technical services fields.
Firms employing "knowledge workers" are particularly
attracted to historic areas. Although historic districts
are home to 31% of all jobs in Savannah, 39% of
professional/scientific/technical services jobs, 57%
of art/entertainment/recreation jobs, and 74% of
educational services jobs are in historic districts.
New York and Los Angeles will always argue which is
the more creative city. Creative class workers show a
decided preference for local historic districts in New
York and the same can be said for LA. Between 2005-
2015 Los Angeles saw a 20% growth rate in arts related
jobs, but local historic districts saw a 35% growth rate in
arts related jobs.
While workers in the knowledge and creative fields will
never be a large percentage of the entire workforce,
they have a disproportionate impact on the economic
vitality of a city. And employers of those workers are
disproportionately choosing to locate in historic districts.
IN NYC, HISTORIC
DISTRICTS CONTAIN:
of all
8 0/0 Private Jobs
of all Professional,
10 o Scientific, and
Technical Service lobs
13 0 of all
Information Jobs
of all Arts,
20 Entertainment, and .3
o Recreation lobs
12
10. Millennials and Housing
In 2019 the number of Millennials (those born between
1981 and 1996) in the United States surpassed the number
of Baby Boomers. That means for the next generation,
that age group will have an outsized impact on how and
where cities grow. So a city planning for a prosperous
future must consider the needs and preferences of
Millennials. Many in this age cohort might not identify
themselves as "preservationists" but the qualities they
are looking for in cities are the qualities found in historic
neighborhoods.
One of the fastest growing cities in the nation is
Nashville, a city particularly attractive to Millennials.
While that age group makes up 29% of the population
in non -historic neighborhoods, they constitute 33% of
historic district residents.
New residents in a neighborhood who are renters are
from all age groups, but a sizable share are Millennials.
In Raleigh, historic districts have seen an influx of new
renters in recent years, reflecting increased interest in
living in the historic downtown area. Just over 60% of
renters moved in since 2005, compared to around 30%
of citywide renters.
In Los Angeles, the number of millennial residents in
historic districts grew by 9% since 2010, compared to
7% in the rest of the city. Despite making up only 1.8%
of the land area, historic districts accounted for 4% of
all new millennial residents between 2010 and 2016,
meaning these areas punch above their weight in terms
of attracting young adults.
A recent survey of the National Trust for Historic
Preservation found that 44% of millennials surveyed
wanted to live in historic, character rich neighborhoods.
National home buying trends back this up. Nationally,
despite making up only 34% of homebuyers, millennials
account for 59% of all buyers of houses built before 1912
and 43% of buyers of houses built between 1912 and
1960.
Attracting and retaining Millennials needs to be an
economic development priority for cities. Whether as
renters or homeowners, Millennials have revealed a
preference for historic neighborhoods.
j! Apart
MILLENNIALS AND HISTORIC HOUSES NATIONWIDE
Millennials as Buyers
of Houses 1912-1960
Millennials as Buyers
of Houses Pre -1960
Millennials as Share
of All Home Buyers
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60%
OCT 0 7 2020
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa 13
11. Walkability/Bikeability
In 2007 Walk Score was released to the public. Since
then urban planners, real estate professionals, public
health workers, transportation experts, and others have
stressed the importance of Walk Score; it has become a
basic tool of urban analysis. But most neighborhoods
in America are not very walkable. The American Journal
of Preventive Medicine noted, "Neighborhoods
built a half -century or more ago were designed with
'walkability' in mind. And living in them reduces an
individual's risk of becoming overweight or obese."
For multiple reasons people are prioritizing walkability
in their choice of where to work and live. The Urban
Land Institute reports that 50% of U.S. residents say
that walkability is a top priority or a high priority when
considering where to live.
What neighborhoods are walkable? Historic
neighborhoods.
Nashville is notoriously unwalkable. Walk Score rated
Nashville the 48th most walkable large city in the US,
with a Walk Score of 28 and a Bike Score of 25. As a
city, Nashville falls in the "Car Dependent" category.
Yet historic districts are demonstrably more accessible
earning a Walk Score of 63 and a Bike Score of 57. Nearly
half of the historic districts have a Walk Score over 70,
which is considered "very walkable."
In Pittsburgh, the Walk Score was calculated for every
block in every historic district. Then the average scores
for historic districts was compared with the city as a
whole. The result? As Pittsburgh is a dense city, the
overall Walk Score is a very respectable 60. However,
the average block within historic districts in Pittsburgh
achieves a Walk Score of 75. Historic neighborhoods are
more walkable than in most of a quite walkable city.
As with the Walk Score, the Transit Score was calculated
for every block in every historic district in Pittsburgh and
then compared with the city. The results were the same.
While the city of Pittsburgh had a Transit Score of 54,
blocks in historic districts averaged a Transit Score of
66. Probably because of the number of hills and steep
topography the Bike Score for the City of Pittsburgh
is just under 40, while the Bike Score for Pittsburgh's
historic neighborhoods is 63.
Raleigh's local historic districts represent some of the
most walkable parts of the city. While the city of Raleigh
has an average Walk Score of 29, meaning that most
neighborhoods are car -dependent, Raleigh's historic
districts average a 73 Walk Score.
Savannah, as a whole, rates a score of 41, putting it
in the "Car -Dependent" category, while every local
historic district scores higher ranging from "Somewhat
walkable" to "Walker's Paradise."
Competitive cities need to be walkable, and walkability
is found in historic neighborhoods.
The Walk Score categories are:
90-100 Walker's Paradise
Daily errands do not require a car.
70-89 Very Walkable
Most errands can be accomplished on foot.
50-69 Somewhat Walka
Some errands can be accomplished or—oof L E D
25-49 Car -Dependent OCT 0 7 2020
Most errands require a car. City Clerk
0-24 Car -Dependent Iowa City, Iowa
Almost all errands require a car.
14
12. Density at a Human Scale
Density. The D word. Density has lots of proponents
— transportation experts, infrastructure engineers,
public works directors, urban planners. The argument
goes like this: "We need to have density to efficiently
provide public services. Everything from bus systems
to school locations to fire protection to waterlines are
more efficiently and cost-effectively provided if we have
density." And you know what — they are right. Cities
need density. But here's where the argument falters;
density is seen as a synonym of high-rise construction.
Wrong. Where is density being provided right now? In
historic neighborhoods.
In Miami -Dade County, historic districts are some of
the densest areas with population density 5 times the
county as a whole and nearly 2 12 times the average
density in the urban areas. Another argument for
density is that there is much greater tax generation
per acre. True, and in Miami/Dade County the historic
districts represent nearly four times the assessed value
per acre than the rest of the County.
A common criticism of historic preservation is that
it prevents increased density, and critics claim that
preservation is in opposition of new developments that
would provide needed housing units. This claim is not
true in Nashville. First, historic districts only cover 6%
of the land area of Nashville, there is plenty of space
elsewhere in the city beyond historic neighborhoods.
Second, historic districts are disproportionately
absorbing Nashville's population growth. Third, historic
districts are on average the densest parts of the city. In
fact, these areas are home to 4,828 people per square
mile, 1,600 more than residential neighborhoods in
the rest of the city. Density is needed in Nashville and
historic neighborhoods are providing it.
San Antonio is nota dense city overall, with a population
of around 2,900 people per square mile. However, the
average density for San Antonio historic districts is
5,369 persons per square mile. Individually almost every
historic district has a density higher than the city-wide
average.
But what is often missed by both proponents and
opponents of density is that people will accept and even
appreciate density if it is at a human scale. That's what
Savannah's historic neighborhoods provide. As a whole
Savannah is not a dense city, with just over 1,300 persons
per square mile citywide. The local historic districts in
Savannah are nearly five times as dense housing over
6,300 people per square mile. Importantly this is density
20000
15000
10000
5000
POPULATION DENSITY - PEOPLE/SQ MI
(LOS ANGELES)
0 �
r-- 91 '
HPOZ (Historic Districts) _ F Rest Of City
OCT 0 7 2020
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
15
r
rr
r'
POPULATION DENSITY - PEOPLE/SQ MI
(LOS ANGELES)
0 �
r-- 91 '
HPOZ (Historic Districts) _ F Rest Of City
OCT 0 7 2020
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
15
at a human scale. These are neighborhoods where
people like to walk—not overpowered with 20 -story
condominiums—but lined with houses built in the
close proximity envisioned by General James Edward
Oglethorpe.
Even in a low-density city like Los Angeles, the local
historic districts are 1 % time the average density as
other residential neighborhoods.
The powerful and influential Real Estate Board of
New York (REBNY) has made the case for weakening
protections for local historic districts around four main
arguments. 1) The population of New York City is
growing. 2) The City is landlocked and so cannot grow
outward. 3) Therefore, we have to grow upwards. 4)
Historic districts are precluding us from building the
skyscrapers that we want to build and the density the
City needs. That series of posits seems very reasonable.
Who could argue with that?
Preservationists both can and should and here's why. 1)
Less than 5% of the developable lots in the City of New
York is underthe purview of the Landmarks Preservation
Commission. If you can't figure out how to build your
skyscrapers on the other 95% of the land, maybe you're
not smart enough to be in the real estate business. 2) In
every one of the five boroughs, the densest residential
neighborhoods are the historic districts. 3) The density
of the Census Blocks where residential highrises were
built in Manhattan between 2000 and 2010, as tall as
they are, still have density less than the historic districts
in Manhattan. 4) Because of unit size and frequent
patterns of low full-time occupancy, the density added
by those skyscrapers is much less than their height
would suggest.
Yes, New York City needs density, and yes, much of
that needs to come from high rise development. But
why does that density need to be in the 5% of the land
of New York City that is already providing the highest
density?
For all the whining from REBNY about the evils of
historic districts, those developers certainly aren't shy
about marketing what urban journalist Roberta Gratz
calls their "over -the -top luxury towers catering to the
foreign oligarchs or providing pied-a-terres to American
one-percenters" by stressing their proximity to historic
neighborhoods. Allowing them to be built in the middle
of New York's historic districts would be allowing parasite
buildings – using the ambiance, quality, and character
of the neighborhood as the door mat for their $6,000/
square foot luxury phallic symbol.
IV
13. Environmen[#Vsponsibility
It was Carl Elefante, immediate past president of the
American Institute of Architects, who first coined the
phrase, "The greenest building is the one already
built" This connection between the historic built
environment and environmental sustainability went
unrecognized by most of the environmental movement
for decades, culminating in the LEED certification
program which awarded more points for a single bike
rack than for reusing an entire building. This myopia
led to significant recent research by both academics
and practitioners including, Stewardship of the Built
Environment: Sustainability, Preservation, and Reuse,
by Robert A. Young, Building Reuse: Sustainability,
Preservation, and the Value of Design by Kathryn
Rogers Merlino, Sustainable Heritage, by Amalia
Leifeste and Barry L. Stiefel, Sustainable Preservation:
Greening Existing Buildings, by Jean Carroon, Green
Restorations: Sustainable Building and Historic Homes,
by Aaron Lubeck and others. These published works
were supplemented by the research of the Preservation
Green Lab (now called the Research l;. Policy Lab of the
National Trust). In theirfirst majorstudy, the Preservation
Green Lab compared the environmental responsibility
between appropriately retrofitting a historic building
or building a new green gizmo structure. They found
among other things that it takes 10 to 80 years of
operating savings of a green gizmo building to recoup
the negative climate change impacts of the construction.
Almost every building typology in every region of the
country demonstrated a better environmental outcome
through adaptive reuse than with demolition and new
construction.
In Maryland, a study by economic analyst Joseph
Cronyn and environmental economist Evans Paull
compared the differences in environmental impact of
rehabilitating a 50,000 square foot historic industrial
building to building a new structure at the edge of
town. Among their findings were: a 20%-40% reduction
in Vehicle Miles Traveled; reduced travel related CO2 of
92-123 metric tons; retained embodied energy of 55,000
Million BTUs; greenfield land preserved 5.2 acres; less
demolition debris in landfill of 2.500 tons; $100,000
value of natural resources saved; and infrastructure
investment saved of between $500,000 and $800,000.
Between the environmental benefits and the fiscal
savings, the Sierra Club and the Tea Party ought to be
holding hands in leading the preservation parade. These
findings have been confirmed in city level preservation
impact studies.
Mayor Bloomberg before he left office wanted to put
New York City on a path to be the most environmentally
responsible city on the planet. Good businessman that
he is, he decided that step one should be an audit of
which buildings were using how much energy today.
Contrary to conventional wisdom, in fact the least energy
use per square foot was found in buildings constructed
more than 70 years ago. For multi -family properties, a
structure built since 1980 used nearly 13% more energy
per square foot than did an apartment built prior to 1920.
While the energy efficiency has improved for buildings
constructed over the last 30 years, still an office tower
built since 1980 uses 33% more energy per square foot
than one built nearly a century ago.
The U.S. Green Building Council recommends that
a connected development pattern has at least 140
intersections per square mile. While Nashville's streets
inside the 1963 boundary have an impressive average
of 932 intersections per square mile, the historic district
streets double that. The impact of shorter blocks,
connectivity for transit, and traffic calming benefits are
well known with more intersection density.
Apart from energy usage, the amount of waste that
goes into landfills when eliminating older and historic
buildings is also an important factor when evaluating
environmental responsibility. To putthese envi ron menta I
costs in context, when a decision is made to demolish
one modestly sized house in a Raleigh historic district,
62.5 tons of waste is generated for the landfill. That's
as much waste as one person would generate in 79.5
years. When the energy cost of razing and hauling to
the landfill are added to the embodied energy already
within the existing building, the demolition of a modest
sized historic home in Raleigh is equivalent to throwing
away 15,285 gallons of gasoline.
Nearly every 4th grader in America learns that to be
environmentally responsible it's necessary to reduce,
reuse, recycle. The use of historic buildings does all of
those things.
17
14. Smart Growth
The closest we have in the United State for a
comprehensive sustainable development movement is
one known as Smart Growth. And Smart Growth has a
specific set of principles. They are:
• Create a range of employment opportunities.
• Mix land uses.
• Take advantage of compact building design.
• Create walkable neighborhoods and a range of
housing opportunities and choices.
• Foster distinctive, attractive communities with a
strong sense of place.
• Preserve open space, farmland, natural beauty, and
critical environmental areas.
• Strengthen and direct development towards
existing communities.
• Provide in advance a variety of transportation
choices, urban and social infrastructure based on
population projections.
• Make development decisions sustainable,
predictable, fair, and cost effective.
• Encourage community and stakeholder
collaboration in development decisions.
• Cost effectiveness in decision making.
Historic neighborhoods are the living embodiment of
all ten Smart Growth principles. In fact, if a community
did nothing but protect its historic neighborhoods,
it will have advanced a comprehensive sustainable
development agenda.
Commute time has both environmental and quality
of life implications. The density and central location of
Indianapolis historic districts have implications for the
live -work balance. While the average commute in the
Indianapolis is 23 minutes, nearly 35% of households
in historic districts commute less than 15 minutes. This
also affects the quality of life of residents, as more time
spent commuting means less time spent with family,
exercising, and contributing to the community.
In a 2013 report by the International Downtown
Association, Savannah's Landmark District is
considered a "high live -work" downtown with 29% of
all workers also residing there. This has positive impacts
not just for the worker, but for the environment, traffic
congestion, businesses that serve both residents and
workers, the municipal budget, and public safety issues.
Density, walkability, bikeability, and live -work lifestyle
are important in quality of life measurement and that
is exactly what Savannah's historic neighborhoods
provide.
! W it
18
The use of public transit is usually a priority for both
sustainability and resilience strategies. In nearly every
municipality in Miami-Dade County, residents of local
historic districts use public transit to a greater degree
than do the rest of the citizens of their community. This
translates into environmental savings as households
in historic districts drive 2,300 miles less per year. Less
miles traveled means less greenhouse gas emissions.
92% of properties in historic districts are within .25 miles
of a bus route, compared to 76% in the rest of the city.
29% of residents in historic districts are within .5 miles of
a hospital, compared to 10% in the rest of the city. 75%
of residents in historic districts live within .5 miles of a
public school, compared to 67% in the rest of the city.
In Miami/Dade County, 82% of properties in historic
districts are located within V4 mile of a park orgreenspace
compared to 43% of the rest of the county. The average
tree canopy coverage in historic districts is over 20% as
compared to just over 12% in the county overall. The
historic district tree canopy contributes more than $19
million in economic benefits.
Roughly twice the number of workers commute into
Raleigh's historic districts than workers who live in the
districts and commute elsewhere. And nearly40% of the
incoming workers travel less than 10 miles to get to their
workplace in the districts, compared to only 33% in the
city as a whole. People who live around historic districts
are benefiting from their concentration of businesses
and jobs as well.
A public commitment to identify, protect and enhance
San Antonio's historic neighborhoods is in and of itself
Smart Growth. San Antonio's historic neighborhoods
should serve as the model in how to reach the vision
established for environmental sustainability.
San Antonio is known for its cohesive neighborhoods
with compelling and unique personalities. Modern
linked mass transit, improved infrastructure and a
concerted effort to preserve and maintain our historic
buildings, parks and open spaces compliment smart
growth patterns. The result is a livable and vibrant
community that is strongly connected to its past and
maintains it small town feel. The Average Transit Score
for San Antonio Historic Districts is nearly twice the
citywide average.
A neighborhood that adopted the Smart Growth
principles should be expected to benefit from a
priority on almost everyone's list — reduced commuting
time. That is already happening today in historic
neighborhoods in San Antonio. Over a third of historic
district residents have commute times of less than 15
minutes. That compares with less than 24% of other San
Antonio residents who can make the same claim.
The conclusion for this section is simple: Historic
Preservation IS Smart Growth.
19
15. Neighborhood Level
Diversity
In some places historic districts are seen as exclusively
the domain of the rich and white. While throughout the
country there are, indeed, some historic districts that
are very wealthy, that is far from the norm. Further, at
PlaceEconomics, we believethat healthy neighborhoods
are those that at the neighborhood level are a reflection
of the economic, racial, and ethnic diversity of the entire
city. We are further convinced that economic integration
at the neighborhood level ought to be a public policy
goal. Where are these "mirror of the city" areas? Almost
exclusively in local historic districts.
Historic districts help to achieve public policy housing
goals by providing housing options for a range of
household sizes and incomes, while fostering a balance
of neighborhood stability and healthy change. In
Raleigh housing units come in a variety of sizes. The
vast majority—over 75 percent—are modestly sized,
with fewer than 2,500 square feet. A diversity of housing
sizes results in a diversity of housing price points for
both renters and potential owners. It is this range of
price options that leads to economic integration within
a neighborhood.
Historic districts ought to provide jobs across the
demographic spectrum. When the racial makeup of
workers in Pittsburgh as a whole is compared to the
racial makeup of workers in historic districts, there is
nearly no statistical difference. Historic districts are a
virtual mirror of the city at large in terms of the race of
those working there. As are the residents in Pittsburgh's
historic residential areas.
While Miami -Dade County as a whole is diverse, the
local historic districts are particularly so. While there
are differences among individual historic districts, on
an aggregate basis the residents who choose to live in
the county's local historic districts are a mirror of the
diversity of the county as a whole, in income, in race,
and in ethnicity.
In nearly every historic neighborhood in Nashville there
are households with very modest earnings living next
to households of significant income. This is economic
integration and is central to the equity goals of the
city. Nashville recognizes that urban vitality is built
on diversity, and it has become a basic premise of
placemaking that healthy neighborhoods are neither
all rich nor all poor. The historic districts in Nashville are
home to households at both the bottom and the top of
OCT 0 7 2020
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
the economic rungs of the city. In fact, there is almost
an even distribution of households in historic districts
among lower(36.1%), middle (27.3%), and upper income
(36.6%) households.
In San Antonio, at the historic district level,
neighborhoods are composed of a great diversity of
incomes by household. A few – Cattleman Square
and Government Hill - have a higher percentage
of households making $25,000 and under, while
King William and Monte Vista have a greater share
of households making more than $150,000. Most
neighborhoods are statistically near the city averages
for household in each income category. Even in a
perceived wealthy district like King William, the share of
households earning under $25,000 is nearly the same
as the city overall. And in that district, there are more
than two times as many households earning less than
$50,000 peryearthan those making more than $150,000.
RACIAL DIVERSITY (MIAMI-DADE COUNTY)
Historic Districts
mmmiwimwal
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
E White Black f . Asian Other
20
In Saratoga Springs, the eight historic districts are
comprised of the most diverse residential populations
in the city. In fact, the historic districts are home to a
larger share of non-white residents than the rest of
the city. While the overall population of Saratoga
Springs is 90% white, the city's historic districts have
greater diversity among African American, Asian, and
other minority populations. Saratoga Springs historic
districts help presence the existing rental housing stock
in town. As a result, many of these renters are able to
call local historic districts home. Saratoga Springs'
historic districts also provide a wide variety of housing
sizes and models, which is another important aspect of
maintaining housing. There are more housing options
in historic districts than elsewhere in the city. This
enables residents from a wide range of economic levels,
household sizes, and age groups to live in Saratoga
Springs. In fact, 40% of all apartment properties are
located in historic districts —again demonstrating that
historic districts, while covering only a small portion
of the land area, are dense, productive, efficient and
equitable.
While historic districts in Manhattan are overall higher
in income and lower in minority populations than
the borough as a whole, in many instances the other
boroughs demonstrate just the opposite. Likewise,
while those households earning more than $150,000
constitute a larger share of the population in historic
districts than the borough at large in both Manhattan
and Brooklyn, the other boroughs show a different
reality. In the Bronx, Queens, and Staten Island, high-
income households in historic districts represent virtually
the same share of the population as the borough as a
whole.
When compared citywide, New York City's historic
districts have a larger share of the White population and
a correspondingly smaller share of minority populations
than the rest of the City. But, in fact, those overall
numbers are skewed by patterns in Manhattan. When
looked at on a borough by borough basis, the picture
is much different. In the Bronx and Brooklyn, the Black
population within historic districts is nearly a mirror
image of the Black population in the rest of the borough.
In Staten Island, historic districts have a larger share of
the Black population than the rest of the borough. This
trend continues with Hispanic populations as well. In
both Manhattan and Brooklyn, there is a smaller share
of Hispanics in historic districts than in the borough as
a whole, but in the Bronx, Queens, and Staten Island,
there is a higher share of Hispanic New Yorkers living in
historic districts than in the rest of the borough.
Neighborhoods ought to be available to a wide
spectrum of a city's population, and more often than
not it is the historic districts that are meeting that goal.
100%
90%
80°%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
7%
4%
2%
RACIAL DIVERSITY (SARATOGA SPRINGS)
Historic Districts
--5%
0720
y Clei
City, I
3%
2%
Not in Historic Districts
■ White Black or African American ■ Asian Other
SHARE OF NYC HOUSEHOLDS WITH INCOME LESS THAN $50,000
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
Bronx Brooklyn Manhattan Queens Staten
Island
■ Historic Districts ■ Rest of Borough
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
SHARE OF NYC HOUSEHOLDS WITH INCOME OVER $150,000
Bronx Brooklyn Manhattan Queens
■ Historic Districts ■ Rest of Borough
Staten
Island
21
16. Housing Affordability
There is a housing affordability crisis in many American
cities. There are even some who loudly shout that the
4 or 5% of a city's land that is protected from rampant
demolition through local historic districts is the cause of
the affordability challenge. That's equivalent to claiming
the back-up catcher on the bench of a baseball team
is responsible for a losing season. There are multiple
causes for the housing affordability crisis, but two
things are clear: 1) You cannot build new and rent or
sell cheap, unless there are very deep subsidies or you
build crap; 2) We are simultaneously tearing down what
is affordable and building what is not. Keeping older
housing maintained and occupied, both in historic
districts and elsewhere, needs to be a central strategy
for housing affordability. The chances of a dwelling unit
being razed and replaced by a more affordable unit is
virtually non-existent.
A change has been made in recent years as to how
"affordability" is measured. For years the standard was
that if a household was spending more than 30% of
its income on housing, it was housing cost burdened.
More recently, however, there has been a recognition
that it is not just the cost of rent or a mortgage
payment that should be considered when calculating
affordability, but also the cost of transportation. Hence
the more widely used measure today is the Housing
plus Transportation cost, or H+T cost. A household is
considered housing cost burdened ifthecombination of
those two expenses exceed 50% of household income.
Far from being unaffordable, historic districts are often
where the marketplace is providing affordable housing,
usually without subsidy or assistance of any kind.
While Nashville sees fewer housing cost -burdened
homeowners than the country as a whole, renters do
not fare as well. Nashville has approximately the same
share of cost -burdened rental households as the nation
overall. For both owners and renters in historic districts,
however, there is a lower share who are housing cost
burdened. Approximately 19%of homeowners in historic
districts are cost -burdened, versus approximately
26% in the rest of the city, while approximately 35% of
renters in historic districts are cost -burdened, versus
approximately 48% of renters in the rest of the city.
Miami -Dade County has been identified as one of the
least affordable housing markets in the nation. Three
factors are at work: 1) the overall cost of living in Miami -
Dade is higher than the national average; 2) the rate of
increase in the cost of living is greater than the national
average; 3) median household income growth is slower
than the national average. All of these factors mean
that a large share of the population is Housing Cost
Burdened. 40% of Miami -Dade homeowners and more
than 60% of renters fall into the housing cost burdened
category. For both owners and renters, however, a lesser
share of those living in historic districts are housing cost
burdened.
Affordability of housing is a serious issue everywhere,
but the problem is somewhat less acute in historic
districts. While nearly half of all Raleigh renters are
cost -burdened, only 41% of renters in historic districts
are cost -burdened. People who rent— by choice or
necessity—are seeing housing opportunity in Raleigh's
historic districts.
Pittsburgh is known for the relative affordability of its
housing. Along with the educational institutions and
quality of life, one of the major attractions for young
people moving to and moving back to Pittsburgh is
affordable housing . More recent analysis has focused,
however, not just on the cost of rent or the size of a
mortgage payment, but what is the economic burden
of housing plus transportation. By this measure not only
are the historic neighborhoods of Pittsburgh affordable,
but they are more affordable than the rest of the city.
Whilethetypical household in greater Pittsburgh spends
fully half of its income on housing plus transportation,
in historic districts that amount is less than 43%. This
means that a household with $50,000 in income and
living in a historic district has nearly $300 per month
more to spend on entertainment, savings, clothes or
food than a household with the same income elsewhere
in Pittsburgh.
Older housing stock needs to be recognized for its
contribution to nearly every city's affordable housing.
The only tool most cities have to prevent the demolition
of older housing stock is historic district protection.
Not only are historic districts not the cause of the lack
of affordable housing, they are a significant part of the
solution.
22
17. First Place of Return
Many cities in the United States, primarily in the
northeast and Midwest, have been losing population
for decades. In recent years, however, some of them
have again begun to grow in population. So a question
arises - when cities begin to grow after extended
periods of population decline, where within the city
does that growth take place? The answer - in local
historic districts.
Philadelphia, America's 6th largest city, lost population
for half a century. While its population peaked in 1950,
Philadelphia shrank by more than 24% by 2000. Then
comes the 2010 Census, and the city leadership, local
newspapers, and public boosters all celebrated. "We've
finally turned the corner! We gained population. It
wasn't much, only 8,500 people, but at least we're
growing!" Except they weren't. The historic districts
grew by around 14,000 people; the rest of the city still
lost population.
Washington. DC followed the same pattern. After fifty
years of population decline, the city grew between 2000
and 2010, but a disproportionate share of that growth
took place in Washington's historic districts. Boston
turned the corner earlier. Between 1950 and 1980, the
population of Boston declined by nearly 30%. But
when population growth began to occur again where
it took place wasn't random. While Boston's historic
districts are home to just under 23% of the population,
those neighborhoods accommodated 36% of the city's
growth.
Pittsburgh, like many other legacy cities, has lost
population in recent years. Although that process has
slowed, therewas still a loss of 9% of thecity's population
between 2000 and 2010. However, the local historic
districts, when aggregated, gained 4% in population.
Indianapolis fared better. Although there was a
population decline between 1970 to 1980, there has
been a slow but steady growth for the last half century.
But what is happening now? Between 2000 and 2010,
Indianapolis' Urban Compact Area saw a rapid increase
in population, growing an impressive 20% over those
ten years. That growth slowed between 2010 and 2015,
gaining 3% in the later period. However, growth in
historic districts represented 17% of the total growth.
Between 2010 and 2015, the local historic districts pulled
more than their weight, growing 9% compared to the
2% growth in undesignated areas.
Mayors - if your city has been losing population and
you want to attract people back, don't tear down your
historic neighborhoods. That will be the first place of
return
OCT 0 7 Z010
C-tiy. Clerk
Wa cti lyr100a
Philadelphia, PA
23
t8. Attractors of Growth
But it is not just cities who have been in population
decline where the historic districts are magnets for
growth. It also happens in cities that have not been
shrinking.
Despite making up only 6% of the land area, historic
districts account for 10% of the population of Nashville.
Population change in historic districts also outpaces
that of the city as a whole. Between 2000 and 2016,
the population in historic districts increased by 3.4%
compared to 2.4% in the rest of the city. Between 2010
and 2016—a period of significant population increase in
Nashville— historic districts accounted for 20% of the
city's total population growth.
Miami -Dade County is growing in population and
there have been concerns expressed about where that
growth can be accommodated. While some believe that
historic districts restrict growth, the evidence in Miami -
Dade proves quite the opposite. Between 2010 and
2015, historic districts gained 14% in population while
the rest of the county gained 6 percent. Overall historic
districts accounted for 9% of total growth in the county.
The appeal of historic districts is strong and these areas
are attracting and accommodating a disproportionate
share of the County's population growth.
Historic districts restricting growth? Nonsense; they are
accommodating growth.
14%
12%
10%
8%
6%
4%
2%
0%
MIAMI-DADE COUNTY POPULATION GROWTH,
2010-2015
FILED
OCT 0 7 2020
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
Iq
Change in Historic Districts Change in Rest of the County
19. Allows Cities to Eq, Iva
"Historic districts are largely frozen in time". Anyone
who writes that certainly hasn't been to many historic
district commission sessions. Historic districts are not
museums. Preservationists recognize that they both will
and should change over time. The purpose of historic
districts is not to set an entire neighborhood in amber;
and, in fact, none of them do that. Rather the purpose is
to manage change over time so that the character and
quality of the entire neighborhood is not diminished
by out of scale and out of context changes. The
demonstrated preservation premium in property values
does not emerge because everyone looks forward to
going in front of some goofy preservation commission.
Rather the premium comes from a confidence that the
lunatic across the street will not be allowed to make
drastic changes to his property that will have an adverse
impact on the value of my property.
24
Property rights zealots who think regulations are
inherently bad for the economy forget the basic rule
of real estate, that the three most important variables
are location, location, location. What that means is that
the value of an individual building does not somehow
magically emerge from within the property boundaries,
but from its larger context. The three variables are not
roof, walls, and foundation. The value of real estate is
driven by its context, and the protection of that context
is the economic essence of historic districts. This is a
rational economic act. Real estate is inherently a long-
term investment. The value of that investment is not
driven primarily by what an owner does within her
property lines, but what happens to the surrounding
area. The economic impact of historic districts is to
provide a degree of protection to the value of what for
most people is by far their biggest financial asset.
Historic districts change, and that is how it should be.
In Nashville in the last 5 years, historic districts have
seen an average of $62.8 million in permit investment
and 373 projects per year, accounting for around 11%
of investment and 14% projects citywide. Historic
districts attract dollars, seeing more than $445 million
in investment since 2006. Far from being frozen in time
as museums, historic districts welcome appropriate new
development. Since 2006, more than 70% of investment
in historic districts has been in new construction.
Historic districts have become a magnet for investment
in rehabilitation of existing historic buildings, as well
as new construction. Over the last decade almost $1.5
billion has been invested in buildings in San Antonio
historic districts, almost 70% of which was for new
construction.
Savannah is one of America's most historic cities. The
protections of historic properties there are robust. But
has that deterred investment? Absolutely not. Every
year between 2007 and 2013 the amount invested in new
construction in Savannah's historic districts was greater
than the investment in rehabilitation. Over that seven-
year period 53% of all investment in those districts was
in new construction.
Instead of crying wolf about historic neighborhoods
being frozen in place and discouraging investment,
critics might take the time to look at what is actually
happening there.
G.9L ED
OCT 0 7 2020
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
Savannah is one of America's
most historic cities. The
protections of historic
properties there are robust.
But has that deterred
Investment?
Absolutely not. Every year
between 2007 and 2013, the
amount invested in new
construction in Savannah's
historic districts was greater
than the investment in
rehabilitation. Over that
seven-year period 53% of all
investment in those districts
was in new construction.
25
L D
20. Tax Generation OCT 072020
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
Mayors, city council members, and other local elected
officials may have the toughest political jobs in America.
They are responsible for sewers, schools, snow removal,
public safety, potholes, light poles, parks, and a
myriad of other tasks. Unlike their brothers and sisters
in Washington or even state capitals, these elected
public servants see their constituents every day, at the
grocery store, their kid's soccer game, the hair salon,
and at church or synagogue, or temple or mosque.
They literally can't get away. At the same time, they are
limited by what the state legislature allows them to do.
And most challenging is that the local property tax is
often the primary source of paying the bills for public
services.
Most property tax is based on the value of the property
— as its value goes up, so do property tax receipts (and,
as many found out in the Great Recession, it also goes
the other way).
The fiscal health of a city depends largely on the revenue
it receives and the effectiveness of distributing its
resources. The municipality relies on property taxes to
pay for public school teachers, police, and other public
services. Indianapolis' local historic districts contribute
taxes at a rate disproportionately higher than their land
area would suggest. The 4% land area contributes 15%
of the total assessed value inside the Urban Compact
Area and 5% of the total value of the city. On a per -
square mile basis, these local historic districts are 4
times as valuable as non -designated acres inside the
Urban Compact Area.
Both Miami -Dade County and the municipalities rely
heavily on property taxes to pay for public goods and
services. While local historic districts constitute just
over 1% of the land area in Miami -Dade County, the
cumulative assessed values in historic districts represent
5% of the total value. Furthermore, on a per acre value,
historic districts have over 3.8 times more value than
non -designated areas.
The primary beneficiary of the "preservation premium"
is the homeowner. However, there is a public benefit
as well. Local historic districts in Saratoga Springs
represent only 6% of the land area but 14% of the
assessed value of property within the city. On a cultural
level, almost by definition historic districts contain
buildings worth saving, but that is true from on a fiscal
basis as well. From a tax revenue perspective, the
historic districts disproportionately provide the needed
revenue stream for the City of Saratoga Springs as
well as Saratoga County and the local school districts.
Properties in historic districts average 2.5 times the
assessed value per acre than the rest of the city.
The "preservation premium" from the faster rate of
appreciation provides nearly $10 million dollars each
year to Chatham County, the City of Savannah and the
school district. If properties within Savannah's historic
districts had only appreciated at the rate of residential
properties in the rest of the city, here would be the
negative impact on the budgets of local government
last year:
• School District: ($3,602,221)
• City of Savannah: ($3,080,286)
• Chatham County: ($2,948,592)
It is legitimate to ask where each of those levels of
government would make up the nearly $10 million
difference. Raise taxes? Cut services? Both? Keep in
mind this is not all the taxes that the historic districts
paid. This is only the amount in taxes attributable to
the rate of appreciation greater than the rest of the city.
What could be done with that much money?
The School District could pay the salaries of 86
teachers.
The County could pay a fourth of the total budget of
the Sheriff's Office.
The City could provide a $200/month rental subsidy
every month for 1,283 families.
26
In Raleigh two neighborhoods were compared. The only criteria in choosing them were: 1) they were the same size
in land area; and 2) one was a historic district and the other a newer subdivision. Here were the findings:
Which neighborhood is the most efficient and cost-effective for Raleigh taxpayers?
27
Oakwood
Reedham Oaks/Wyndham
Population
1,664
507
Size (acres)
114.5
114.0
Housing Units
794
_ _ 127
Average Year of Construction
1925 OCT 0
2010 1992
Average Size of House (Square
Feet)
2,473 City
Iowa Cit
Jerk 3,515
v, Iowa
Average Value
$315,004
$524,077
Taxes per Unit
$2,887
$4,805
Population per Acre
14.5
4.4
Square Feet of Road per Unit
1,045
2,209
Taxes per Acre
$22,022
$5,531
Water/Sewer Line Replacement
Coster Unit
$8,881
$24,781
Annual Property Taxes
$2,292,278
$610,235
Which neighborhood is the most efficient and cost-effective for Raleigh taxpayers?
27
REAS01��
MEASURE)D
PRESERVATION AS CATALYST
The redevelopment and reuse of a historic building
is often the catalyst that spurs additional investment
nearby in both additional historic preservation and
new construction. The area around the Sewell Cadillac
Building in New Orleans saw virtually no investment
between Katrina and 2012. Then the 50s International
Style building was transformed into Rouses Market. This
project catalyzed $140 million of new construction in the
following four years.
In inner-city Baltimore the H.F. Miller & Son Building
was built to manufacture bricks. After years of vacancy
it was redeveloped as Millers Court, a mixed-use
housing development providing discounted rents to
teachers and non-profit organizations. While the City
of Baltimore continued to lose population, the area
immediately around Miller Court grew by more than
10%.
HOME TO SOCIAL AND CULTURAL INSTITUTIONS
In Nashville 9% of non -profits are located in historic
districts. 31% of historic district residents live within
walking distance of a museum, compared to 19% in
the rest of the city. 40% of historic district residents live
within 1/2 mile of a library, compared to 24% in the rest
of the city. 84% of historic district residents live within
walking distance of public art, compared to 47% in the
rest of the city.
The wealth of social capital located in historic districts is
further reinforced through institutions that honor the
heritage of people and place and through organized
events that celebrate the history and culture of its
residents. 30% of nonprofits in Indianapolis are
located in historic districts as well as 56% of museums.
In Miami/Dade County, 15% of nonprofits and 30% of
museums are located in historic districts.
In San Antonio, 28% of historic district residents are
within a quarter mile of a public school. That is true of
only 4% of the population as a whole. 3% of historic
district residents are within a quarter mile of a library
and nearly one in ten are that close to a college or
university. Both numbers are significantly higher than
for the city at large.
28
NEIGHBORHOOD STABILITY AND COMMUNITY
IV[fT.111641h14l
Nearly 40% of renters in Raleigh have lived in their
historic district residence for more than a decade,
moving in before 2004. Long-term residents are a
strong indicator of neighborhood stability. People who
have lived for years in a place often feel a heightened
sense of responsibility to maintain their homes and
shared community spaces. They are more likely to invest
physically, monetarily, and socially in the neighborhood.
Historic district homeowners stay put. Over 27% of
Raleigh historic district homeowners moved into their
current residence in 1989 or earlier—nearly double the
citywide number of 15 percent.
An analysis of Keep Indianapolis Beautiful's Adopt -
a -Block program revealed, of active blocks, 18% are
located within historic districts.
The biggest adverse impact on the value of a house
is proximity to a vacant or abandon property. In
Indianapolis the strength in the market is further
reflected in the lack of neglected or abandoned
properties in historic districts. Less than 2% of the city's
nearly 3,000 abandoned properties inside the urban
context area are located in historic districts.
r
Coverage ®o thb,
OCT 0 7 2020
Ity City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
So preservationists havethrown their regulatory net over
nearly the entire city, stifling growth, making housing
unaffordable, precluding the downtrodden real estate
industry from making needed investments. Wait, really?
In Indianapolis local historic districts cover 4% of the
land area or 5% of the parcels within the urban context
area.
Locally designated historic districts in Miami -Dade
County represent 1.4% of the land area and 3.5% of the
population.
Historic preservation and conservation overlay districts
make up just 12% of parcels and 6% of the land area in
Nashville.
29
Saratoga Springs has 8 local historic districts that
collectively cover 6% of the land area and 9% of the
properties within city limits.
Savannah's historic districts comprise 8% of the city's
land area, 15% of its buildings; 16% of its population.
2.6% of the parcels and 3.4% of the total land area in the
City of Los Angeles have been designated as a Historic -
Cultural Monument or a Historic Preservation Overlay
Zone.
And where the "too much preservation" whine is
heard the loudest – New York City — 3.4% of New
York City's total lots are under the purview of the
Landmarks Preservation Commission, and that includes
designated historic districts, individual landmarks, and
interior landmarks. Specifically, 3.3% of the lots are
within historic districts and a mere 0.1% of the lots are
individual or interior landmarks. Citywide, those 3.4%
of LPC -designated lots cover only 4.4% of New York
City's total lot area, leaving over 95% of the land to be
developed without LPC oversight.
The author of that "Historic Designations Are Ruining
Cities" raised the alarm that, "In some places it's
clear that historic designations have gone overboard.
One analysis finds that over 19% of Washington.
DC's properties are covered by a historic designation,
compared to only about 2% in Philadelphia and
Chicago." Is it remotely possible that Washington, DC, is
the national capital, and that much of what is historically
designated is the National Mall, the White House and
Lafayette Square, the Federal Triangle, the Tidal Basin
and Jefferson Memorial, St. Elizabeth's Hospital, Rock
Creek Park, the Capitol, and, and, and...? No, if that
were the case, surely a PhD in economics would have
recognized that.
Approval Rates
"Those damn preservation commissioners, arbiters of
what they think is good taste, the preservation police,
all they do is tell people what they can't do."
In Raleigh, overa fifteen -year period, 40%of applications
were approved at the staff level, 58% approved by the
Raleigh Historic Development Commission, and less
than 2% were denied.
In the last five years 5000 applications for Certificate
of Appropriateness were filed with the Indianapolis
Historic Preservation Commission. 60% of them were
approved at the staff level; less than 1% were denied.
In Nashville nearly 60% of all applications are approved
at the staff level. For those that appear before the
Metropolitan Historic Zoning Commission less than two
or three a year are denied.
In New York City, the Landmarks Preservation
Commission reviews 12,000 to 13,000 applications
annually. Nearly 95% of those applications do not
require applicants to appear at the Commission's public
hearings and are resolved at the staff level. Over the
last fifteen years of those that went to a Commission
hearing, an average of 86.7% of applications were
approved, 12.9% were withdrawn or deactivated, and
3/10 of I% or less were denied. Over the last five years
more people have been struck by lightning in New
York City than have had their application denied at the
Landmarks Preservation Commission.
OCT- Q'7 ZM
g,E hr .x rx Ihw=,
30
OCT 0 7 2020
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
Let's be honest, we preservationists haven't done a great job of
making our case for historic preservation and its contributions to
active, vibrant, prosperous cities. Too often the general public only
hears us rambling on about paint colors or obsessing about window
replacements. We need to do better.
The good news is the facts are on our side. When the first studies
of the impact of historic preservation were done twenty-five years
ago, there wasn't much to measure –jobs, heritage tourism, property
values, and downtown revitalization. That was about it. Today with
the availability of big data, GIS, and smart young people who know
how to use the technology, we've found dozens of ways historic
preservation is great for cities. Every time PlaceEconomics takes on a
new assignment we find more positive preservation impacts.
It's perfectly fine when we talk among ourselves to argue about
cornices and gargoyles. But when we are talking to those who don't
call themselves "preservationists"—when we talk to mayors and
bankers and minority communities and housing advocates and real
estate developers—we need to expand our vocabulary.
It is to the credit of the clients of PlaceEconomics that we've been
privileged to conduct these studies. The "factoids" found in this
report are only a small part of what we've been learning. But those
lessons are important and need to be in the arsenal of preservationists
making the case. Thank you for doing so.
31
SOURCES
PLACEECONOMICS CITYWIDE STUDIES
Preservation Positive Los Angeles
Location: Los Angeles, CA
Client: Los Angeles Conservancy
Date: 2020
The New Nashville: A Study of the Impacts of
Historic Preservation
Location: Nashville, TN
Client: Metro Historical Commission
Date: April 2019
Saratoga Springs: Enhancing the Values through
Historic Preservation
Location: Saratoga Springs, NY
Client: City of Saratoga Springs, Saratoga Springs
Preservation Foundation
Date: November 2018
Enhancing Paradise: The Impacts of Historic
Preservation on Miami -Dade County
Location: Miami -Dade County, FL
Client: Miami -Dade Board of County Commissioners
Date: August 2018
Making the Connections: A Study of the Impact of
Historic Preservation in Indianapolis
Location: Indianapolis, IN
Client: Indiana Landmarks
Date: 2018
Historic Preservation: At the Core of a Dynamic New
York City
Location: New York, NY
Client: New York Landmarks Conservancy
Date: April 2016
Tourism: Historic Preservation in the Economy and
Life in Savannah and Chatham County
Location: Savannah, GA
Client: Historic Savannah Foundation
Date: 2015
Historic Preservation: Part of the DNA of Pittsburgh
Location: Pittsburgh, PA
Client: City of Pittsburgh
Date: 2015
F JN D
OCT 0 7 2020
City Clerk
Iowa City, Iowa
Historic Preservation: Essential to the Economy and
Quality of Life in San Antonio
Location: San Antonio, TX
Client: City of San Antonio Historic Preservation Office
Date: 2015
Designing a 21st -Century City: Historic Preservation
and the Raleigh of Tomorrow
Location: Raleigh, NC
Client: City of Raleigh Historic Development
Commission
Date: 2014
Historic Preservation: An Overlooked Economic
Driver, A Study of the Impacts of Historic Preservation
in Rhode Island
Location: Rhode Island
Client: Preserve Rhode Island, The Preservation
Society of Newport County
Date: 2018
The Historic Tax Credit: Building the Future in
Louisiana
Location: Louisiana
Client: Louisiana Office of Cultural Development
Date: 2017
The Economics of Historic Preservation: A Community
Leader's Guide
Location: Nationwide
Client: National Trust for Historic Preservation
Date: 2014
Catalyst for Change: The Federal Historic Tax Credit:
Transforming Communities
Location: Nationwide
Client: National Trust for Historic Preservation
Date: 2014
32
OCT 0 7 2020
City Clerk
iowa City, Iowa
PlaceEconomics would like to thank all our amazing clients, colleagues, and
friends who have learned with us through these city-wide studies.
A special thanks to PlaceEconomics associates past and present:
Cara Bertron
Carla Bruni
Caroline Cheong
Katlyn Cotton*
Emilie Evans
Alyssa Frystak*
Briana Grosicki*
Raina Murray
Donovan Rypkema*
Sarah Shartzer
Stephen Skilton
Maggie Smith
Rodney Swink*
Courtney Williams
* Current employees at PlaceEconomics
33
AEI
"Peopie who alter or
destroy works of art and
our cultural heritage for-,
Pr ^fit or as an exercise of
power are barbariarls."
George Lucas
Fd' LE0
OCT o 7 2020
City
Iowa Citv. Iowa
Ci f r ~r
* z «}
OCT 0 7 2020
City Clert�
Iowa City, Iowa
PlaceEcon0l1 ics
placeeconomics.com
Item Number: 8.b.
CITY OIF IOWA CITY
www.icgov.org
October 20, 2020
ATTACHMENTS:
Description
Nicholas Theisen: baseless accusations
Kellie Fruehlin
From:
Sent:
To:
Cc:
Subject:
fi
RISFt
Dear Councilor Mims,
Nicholas Theisen <uahsenaa@gmail.com>
Wednesday, October 7, 2020 6:56 PM
Susan Mims
Council; Laura Bergus; Mazahir Salih; Pauline Taylor; Bruce Teague; John Thomas; Janice
Weiner, Kellie Fruehling; Geoff'Fruin
"baseless accusations"
Since it has become your habit of late to respond to public comment at city council meetings, despite
stating each time that it is not the historical habit of councilors to do so, I write this letter to you, and
by extension to your colleagues, to address your recent assertions during the 10/7 city council
meeting with regard to "baseless" accusations directed toward the Iowa City Police Department
(ICPD) and its newly appointed chief, Dustin Liston.
First, the assertions that local law enforcement have been targeting protest leaders for intimidation
has been the subject of excellent reportage in your own local newspapers. That you never cared to
inform yourself of these facts is not the responsibility of those who point it out to you, it is yours. And
say this pointedly, because, as someone who is expressly responsible for overseeing the police
department's budget, setting policy, and appointing its chief, you should be paying better attention to
the malfeasance and misdeeds of those to whom you regularly pay public obeisance.
The arrest of Matt Bruce by a confluence of local law enforcement agencies is one such incident that
should give you pause. Mr. Bruce was quite literally dragged from his bike immediately after a protest
and tossed into a police vehicle. I was not speaking metaphorically at the 10/7 formal meeting. Mr.
Bruce's case would worry a city councilor who showed any interest in properly overseeing ICPD,
because he has regularly been targeted for harassment by the Des Moines Police, and the fact that
he specifically was singled out over all the other protest leaders should give a curious councilor
pause.
Your marked lack of such curiosity is evident in how less than two weeks prior to when You felt the
need to compose an obsequious paean to ICPD--while simultaneously scolding those whose necks
have long rested beneath their boot --a federal fudge was similarly inspired to scold ICPD officer
Travis Neeld and Johnson County Assistant Attorney Jude Thaddeus Pannell in open court for
conspiring with one another to racially profile a black Iowa City resident, Chris Kelly. Your fawning
missive made no mention of this incident. A curious councilor might want to look into it, because
officer Neeld, who was not alone in his actions, is still with us.
Second, I do not have to rely on excellent local reportage to know that the protests organized by the
Iowa Freedom Riders were being spied on by local law enforcement. Unlike you, I was there. I was
less than ten feet from a fellow protester whom a local resident backed their car into. I do not have to
wonder whether the protest marches were being followed by unmarked vehicles, I and others saw
them. This information was widely known among those present. The fact you were not aware of this
fact just shows how disconnected you are from the reality that local political activists face.
Third, as for Mr. Liston, a curious councilor would have looked deeper into his history as the director
of a fusion center, given the checkered history of those institutions. Fusion centers were key to the
FBI's multi-state crackdown on the Occupy movement, by coordinating among disparate law
enforcement agencies to provide intelligence so as better to suppress citizens' right of assembly.
More specifically, an ACLU report from 2009 singled out one fusion center in Texas for spying on
local activists. "The idea that the tolerance advocated by the groups being targeted would be treated
as a menace to American security demonstrates a disregard for civil liberties and a disdain for
democracy itself. The kind of indiscriminate and unlawful investigations this bulletin calls for always
results in a chilling effect on free speech and association." To be sure, the fusion center being called
out above is not the one in EI Paso, but a curious councilor might wonder if this pattern of behavior is
endemic to all such organizations.
Given the situation local political activists face, like the possibility ICPD or UIPD might approach them
before a protest and haul them away under suspicious charges, a curious councilor might pay closer
attention to what manner of individual the city manager has chosen to lead the police department.
And given your disconnect from what was happening in the streets, you might be forgiven for not
recognizing how this is a common intimidation tactic used by law enforcement against activists.
Someone who is on the fence about publicly exercising their rights of speech and assembly might
hesitate to do so, when they hear local cops are grabbing people who show up to protest. I imagine,
what with your deep concern for the unpainted facades of Iowa City businesses, you will say that
these individuals are simply being arrested for committing a heinous crime against property. I imagine
by that logic the intimidation is just an unfortunate side effect.
Last, as a teacher for more than a decade, it disappoints me immensely whenever someone who
failed to do the assigned reading feels the need to pontificate from their ignorance and suck all the
oxygen out of the room. But do not lose heart! There is always the opportunity to educate yourself on
matters it is your job to be better informed of. It is my sincere hope that you and your colleagues take
advantage of such an opportunity.
With all due respect,
Nicholas Theisen
CITY OIF IOWA CITY
www.icgov.org
October 20, 2020
ATTACHMENTS:
Description
Rebecca Bergus: Swimming Pool
Item Number: 8.c.
Kellie Fruehling
From: Rebecca Bergus <rbergus@gmail.com>
Sent: Sunday, October 11, 2020 7:45 PM
To: Council
Subject: Swimming Pool
The recreation department has done a great job with the lap swimming at Mercer Aquatic Center. It is clear that they
put a lot of thought into it and it feels as safe as possible. I appreciate it.
Thank you and thanks to the staff at the pool.
Rebecca Bergus
418 Wales St.
Item Number: 8.d.
CITY OIF IOWA CITY
www.icgov.org
October 20, 2020
ATTACHMENTS:
Description
David Drustrup - Listening posts & emergency response
Kellie Fruehling
From: Drustrup, David <david-drustrup@uiowa.edu>
Sent: Wednesday, October 14, 2020 2:20 PM
To: Council; Laura Bergus; Susan Mims; Mazahir Salih; Pauline Taylor; Bruce Teague; John
Thomas; Janice Weiner; Geoff Fruin
Subject: Listening posts & emergency response
I
RISK
Dear City Council and City Manager Fruin,
I hope everyone has been staying safe and healthy recently. I'm writing to encourage the Council to spend
some time during the October 20 meetings to update the public on your reflections after the listening posts
this past month. I think we understand that a final decision will take some time, but we would be interested in
hearing something from Council after many of us put a lot of time and energy into the process. Several people
in the community have also said that city officials put in a 1-01 for a grant for implementing a co -responder
model, which wasn't discussed at any of the listening post events. Whether that is true or not, I think the
public deserves to hear an update on where Council is at on this topic. During the last listening post event, the
Mayor said that many other models were also being considered by Council, although details about this were
not discussed at any listening post event, so some clarity around that statement would be helpful.
Thank you for your time and we look forward to hearing more next week.
Best,
David
David Drustrup, M.A.
Pronouns: He/Him/His
Doctoral Candidate, Counseling Psychology
University of Iowa
david-drustrup@uiowa.edu
Item Number: 8.e.
AL CITY OF IOWA CITY
=�c�-
COUNCIL ACTION REPORT
October 20, 2020
Establish (1) "Stop" sign on Tamarack Trail at the intersection with North
Scott Boulevard
Prepared By: Emily Bothell; SeniorAssociate Transportation Planner
Reviewed By: Kent Ralston; Transportation Planner
Tracy Hightshoe; Neighborhood and Development Services Director
Fiscal Impact: No impact.
Recommendations: Staff: Approval
Commission: N/A
Attachments:
Executive Summary:
As directed by Title 9, Chapter 1, Section 3B of the City Code, this is to advise City Council of the
following action:
Pursuant to Section 9-1-3A (5); Install (1) "Stop" sign on Tamarack Trail for northbound motorists
at the intersection with North Scott Boulevard.
Background /Analysis:
This action is being taken to assign the right-of-way at the intersection.
Item Number: 8.f.
1 CITY OF IOWA CITY
In � at
COUNCIL ACTION REPORT
October 20, 2020
Establish No Left Turn on Red restrictions for Governor and Dodge Streets
and No Right Turn on Red restrictions for Jefferson and Madison Streets.
Prepared By: Sarah Walz, Associate Transportation Planner
Reviewed By: Kent Ralston, Transportation Planner
Tracy Hightshoe, Neighborhood and Development Services Director
Fiscal Impact: None.
Recommendations: Staff: Approval
Commission: N/A
Attachments: Two educational flyers explaining how bike boxes work.
Executive Summary:
As directed by Title 9, Chapter 1, Section 3B of the City Code, this is to advise the city council of
the following action: Pursuant to Section 9-1-3A (1); Establish the following restrictions: No Left
Turn on Red for southbound vehicles on Dodge Street at the intersection with Jefferson
Street; No Left Turn on Red for northbound vehicles on Governor Street at the intersection with
Market Street; No Right Turn on Red for eastbound vehicles on Jefferson Street at the
intersection with Dodge Street; No Right Turn on Red for northbound vehicles on Madison Street
at the intersection with Burlington Street.
Background /Analysis:
This action is being taken as a required element for the installation of bicycle turn boxes at these
intersections. Turn boxes allow bicyclists to position themselves during the red signal phase in
preparation for turns onto adjacent streets.
ATTACHMENTS:
Description
educational tlyer for bike box
educational flyer for 2 -stage turn box
MK*ArL4M1*1TkTA1rIa.
r
')On the RED traffic signal:
. Cars stop behind the
bike box.
Bikes enter the bike box
from the bike lane and
take the appropriate
position for turning or
continuing straight.
When the signal
turns GREEN:
Bikes enter the
intersection first.
Cars follow.
Bikes and cars should
always signal for turns
and yield to pedestrian
`i
BICYCLE
FRIENDLY
Iowa
SAO
hphind thA rrnccIn/alk
behind the bike box
www icgov.org
0
Wait for the GREEN
signal, then cross
the intersection in
new direction.
BIC CL
FRIENDLY
� OWN.
On the GREEN
eme signal proceed
through the 1
intersection,
into the Turn
Box. 1
Always stop
on RED.
of Iowa City www.icgov.org
Item Number: 8.g.
1 CITY OF IOWA CITY
in � at
COUNCIL ACTION REPORT
October 20, 2020
Remove parking restriction on west side of Normandy Drive, north of Manor
Drive.
Prepared By: Sarah Walz, Associate Transportation Planner
Reviewed By: Kent Ralston, Transportation Planner
Tracy Hightshoe, Neighborhood and Development Services Director
Fiscal Impact: No impact
Recommendations: Staff: Approval
Commission: N/A
Attachments: None
Executive Summary:
As directed by Title 9, Chapter 1, Section 3B of the City Code, this is to advise the city council of
the following action:
Pursuant to Section 9-1-3A (10); Remove a parking restriction along a portion of the west side of
Normandy Drive north of the intersection with Manor Drive.
Background /Analysis:
This action is being taken at the request of the adjacent property owner to allow additional on -
street parking. The current restriction was implemented in 2011 when nine additional homes were
located along the street. The current parking restriction will remain in place south of the
intersection with Manor Drive.
Kellie Fruehling
From: Maya Sims <mayasims219@gmail.com>
Sent: Friday, October 16, 2020 6:41 PM Late Handouts Distributed
To: Council
Subject: Comments on Preferred Alternative Scenario
/D-- /L?—
7
(Date)
�rslfc
Dear Council,
On October 6th, the Iowa City Area Transit Study team presented the Preferred Alternative Scenario to the Council for
consideration. The presentation included changes to bus routes expected in the short term as well as long term goals and
their associated benefits and costs. Two of the lowest cost improvements were Universal Passes, which would unify and
simplify Iowa City and Coralville's disjointed ticketing systems, and the on -demand Night Owl service, which would
provide rides for workers getting off late at night. Currently, the Preferred Alternative Scenario does not include Sunday
service, one of the top improvements workers in Johnson County have asked for. The presentation did not address
concerns about current service gaps experienced by disabled bus pass holders.
The introduction of universal bus passes would allow for the ease of traveling between Iowa City and Coralville without
leaving anyone behind. The current fare system is inadequate for serving our community; only the most expensive pass
(the 31 -day pass) allows passengers to travel between the Iowa City and Coralville transit systems. If riders have
purchased a 24-hour or 10 -ride pass, they can only use it on either Iowa City or Coralville buses. To add to the problem,
riders with discounted fares are not permitted to ride before 9 am and between 3:30 pm and 6:30 pm on Monday through
Friday. We are requesting that you reevaluate the purpose of this policy that prevents people with these fares from using
the bus at their discretion, this policy wildly limits the independence of those with such passes.
We request that you immediately look into how to provide the Night Owl Service. This service could be provided in a
variety of ways, including by partnering with local transportation providers. The need for this service is becoming more
urgent as the weather gets colder. Johnson County workers should not have to walk on the highway (often in the dark) in
order to commute to work simply because their ticket does not allow them to take the bus when their shift starts/ends, or
there are no buses available.
In order to provide these services and continuously improve the transit systems, the council should invest in Universal
Passes and Night Owl services, and work to build partnerships with employers to fund transportation both late at night and
on Sunday. We have the opportunity to get this right and the changes that our community have asked for are clear;
transportation is a public service that should be accessible to all.
Thank you,
Community Transportation Committee